Hearth Interactive

Ideas

Corrupted air

The belief that disease spread through foul or poisoned air, often from rot or swamps.

The Plague Comes to Messina and Catania

Anonymous of Catania, Sicilian History, printed in Rosario Gregorio’s Bibliotheca scriptorum (1791) · after April 1348 (events of October 1347 to April 1348)

29.15

Dux vero Joannes predictus timens mortem supradictam, nolens civitatibus & locis appropinquare habitatis propter aeris infectionem, per loca nemorosa & inhabitata circumquaque se hinc inde continue versabatur. Sed dum hinc inde nunc ad aquam mili, que est in nemore Cataniensium, nunc ad quamdam turrim, que vocatur lu blancu per sex miliaria a civitate Catanie distantem, nunc ad quandam Ecclesiam sancti Salvatoris de blanchardu in nemore civitatis predicte, se quasi latitando discurreret, pervenit ad quandam Ecclesiam, seu locum per dictum Ducem noviter constructum, vocatum Sanctu Andria, qui locus est in confinibus nemoris Mascalarum; in quo dum incolumis ac sanus existebat, ex quadam sibi superveniente infirmitate mortuus extitit.

Duke John feared this death. He would not go near cities or inhabited places because the air there was infected, so he kept moving from place to place through the woods and wild country. He went here and there, as if in hiding: now to the spring of Mili in the woods of Catania, now to a tower called lu Blancu, six miles from the city, now to the church of San Salvatore de Blanchardu, in the woods of Catania. At last he came to a church and estate he had recently built, called Sanctu Andria, on the edge of the woods of Mascali. He was well and unharmed there, until a sickness came on him and he died.

To Himself, in the Plague Year

Petrarch, Letters in Verse 1.14, “To Himself,” edited by Domenico Rossetti (1831) · 1348

4

Sive est ira Dei, quod crimina nostra mereri
Certe ego crediderim, seu sola iniuria coeli,
Natura variante vices. Hic pestifer annus
Humano generi incubuit, flendumque minatur
Excidium, mortique favet densissimus aer.
Saevus ab infecto prospectat Iupiter axe;
Inde pluit morbos et tristia funera terris,
Staminaque immites properant abrumpere Parcae,
Omnia, si possent, pariter; vereorque superne
Quod cupiunt ne posse datum: tot pallida vulgi
Ora videns miseri, tot Tartara nigra petentes.

Perhaps it is the anger of God, and I would surely believe our crimes deserve it. Or perhaps it is only some harm from the sky, as nature changes its course. This deadly year has fallen on the human race. It threatens a destruction to weep over, and the thick air favors death. Savage Jupiter looks down from an infected sky. From there he rains down sickness and grim deaths on the earth. The cruel Fates hurry to cut the threads of life, all of them at once, if they could. When I see so many pale faces among the wretched common people, and so many heading for black Tartarus, I fear that heaven has given them the power to do what they want.

After the Mortality: Florence, 1348

Matteo Villani, Chronicle, book 1, edited by Francesco Gherardi Dragomanni (1846) · begun soon after 1348 (events of 1346–1350)

13

Avemmo da mercatanti genovesi, uomini degni di fede, che aveano avute novelle di que’ paesi, che alquanto tempo innanzi a questa pestilenzia, nelle parti dell’Asia superiore uscì della terra, ovvero cadde dal cielo un fuoco grandissimo, il quale stendendosi verso il ponente, arse e consumò grandissimo paese senza alcuno riparo. E alquanti dissono, che del puzzo di questo fuoco si generò la materia corruttibile della generale pestilenzia: ma questo non possiamo accertare. Appresso sapemmo da uno venerabile frate minore di Firenze vescovo di . . . del Regno, uomo degno di fede, che s’era trovato in quelle parti dov’è la città di Lamech ne’ tempi della mortalità, che tre dì e tre notti piovvono in quello paese biscie con sangue che appuzzarono e corruppono tutte le contrade: e in quella tempesta fu abbattuto parte del tempio di Maometto, e alquanto della sua sepoltura.

We heard from Genoese merchants, trustworthy men who had news from those lands, that some time before this pestilence a huge fire came out of the earth, or fell from the sky, in upper Asia. It spread westward and burned up a vast country, and nothing could stop it. Some said that the stench of this fire produced the corrupt matter of the general pestilence, but we cannot confirm this. Next we learned from a venerable Franciscan friar from Florence, bishop of ... in the Kingdom, a trustworthy man, who had been in the region of the city of Lamech at the time of the mortality. He told us that for three days and three nights it rained snakes mixed with blood in that country, and they made the whole region stink and corrupted it. In that storm part of the temple of Muhammad was knocked down, and part of his tomb.

The Pestilence Comes to Florence, 1348

Giovanni Boccaccio, The Decameron, Introduction to the First Day, edited by Pietro Fanfani (1888) · about 1349–1353 (events of 1348)

10

Molti altri servavano, tra questi due di sopra detti, una mezzana via, non strignendosi nelle vivande quanto i primi, né nel bere e nell'altre dissoluzioni allargandosi quanto i secondi, ma a sofficienza, secondo gli appetiti, le cose usavano, e senza rinchiudersi andavano attorno, portando nelle mani chi fiori, chi erbe odorifere, e chi diverse maniere di spezierie, quelle al naso ponendosi spesso, estimando essere ottima cosa il cerebro con cotali odori confortare: con ciò fosse cosa che l'aere tutto paresse dal puzzo de' morti corpi, e delle infermità e delle medicine, compreso e puzzolente.

Many others took a middle way between these two. They did not limit their food as much as the first group, nor let themselves go in drinking and other excesses like the second. They took what they needed to satisfy their appetites. They did not shut themselves up but went about carrying flowers, or fragrant herbs, or various kinds of spices. They often held these to their noses, thinking it an excellent thing to comfort the brain with such smells, because the whole air seemed filled with the stench of dead bodies, of sickness, and of medicines.

The Great Mortality in Paris, 1348–1349

Jean de Venette (attributed), Continuation of the Chronicle of William of Nangis, edited by Hercule Géraud (1843) · about 1360 (events of 1348–1349)

8

Dicebant quod haec pestilentia ex aeris infectione et aquarum oriebatur, quia tunc temporis non erat fames nec defectus victualium quorumcumque, sed abundantia magna. Unde ex hujus opinione aeris infecti et aquarum et mortis ita subitae, impositum fuit judaeis, quod ipsi puteos et aquas infecerant et aerem corruperant; propter quod mundus contra eos crudeliter insurrexit, in tantum quod, in Alemannia et alibi per diversas partes mundi ubi judaei habitabant, fuerunt trucidati et occisi a christianis, et cremati passim et indifferenter multa millia judaeorum. Et est mirandum de eorum et suarum uxorum fatua constantia; nam dum cremarentur, ne eorum parvuli ad baptismum convolarent, matres eorum primo in ignem projiciebant liberos, deinde post ipsos eaedem matres super ipsos in ignem se praecipitabant, ut cum maritis et eorum parvulis cremarentur.

People said that this pestilence came from infection of the air and the waters, because at that time there was no famine and no shortage of food of any kind, but great plenty. Because of this belief that the air and waters were infected, and because death came so suddenly, the Jews were accused of having infected the wells and waters and corrupted the air. For this the world rose against them cruelly. In Germany and elsewhere, in many parts of the world where Jews lived, Christians slaughtered and killed them. They burned many thousands of Jews everywhere, without distinction. The foolish steadfastness of the men and their wives is astonishing. While they were being burned, the mothers first threw their children into the fire, so that the little ones would not run to baptism. Then the same mothers threw themselves into the fire after them, to be burned with their husbands and children.

9

Multi etiam mali christiani fuerunt reperti, ut dicitur, qui similiter venena per puteos imponebant; sed revera tales intoxicationes, posito quod factae fuissent, non potuissent tantam plagam et tantum populum infecisse. Alia igitur fuit causa, ut puta, Dei voluntas, ut humores corrupti et aeris malitia seu terrarum; et forte tales potiones, si factae fuerunt in aliquibus locis, ad hoc potuerunt adjuvare. Duravit autem dicta mortalitas in istis partibus gallicanis per magnam partem anni xlviii et xlix; et tunc cessavit, multis villis campestribus et domibus in bonis villis quasi vacuis remanentibus et orbatis. Et tunc ceciderunt domus multae satis cito, et tales et ita solemnes; et plures ceciderunt Parisius, de quarum ruina minus quam de multis aliis apparebat.

Many bad Christians were also found, people say, who put poisons in wells in the same way. But in truth such poisonings, even if they were done, could not have caused so great a plague or infected so many people. So there was another cause, such as the will of God, or corrupted humors and the evil of the air or of the earth. Perhaps such potions, where they were made, may have added to it. This mortality lasted in these parts of France for a great part of the years [13]48 and [13]49. Then it stopped, leaving many country villages, and many houses in good towns, almost empty and bereft. Soon after, many houses fell down, even fine and grand ones. Many fell in Paris, though the ruin there showed less than in many other places.

As If the Whole World Had Changed

Ibn Khaldun, the Muqaddimah (Introduction to History), 1377 · 1377, revised later (the plague of 1348–1349)

7

وأما كثرة الموتان فلها أسباب من كثرة المجاعات كما ذكرناه أو كثرة الفتن لاختلال الدولة فيكثر الهرج والقتل أو وقوع الوباء وسببه في الغالب فساد الهواء بكثرة العمران لكثرة ما يخالطه من العفن والرطوبات الفاسدة وإذا فسد الهواء وهو غذاء الروح الحيواني وملابسه دائما فيسري الفساد إلى مزاجه فإن كان الفساد قويا وقع المرض في الرئة وهذه هي الطواعين وأمراضها مخصوصة بالرئة وإن كان الفساد دون القوي والكثير فيكثر العفن ويتضاعف فتكثر الحميات في الأمزجة وتمرض الأبدان وتهلك

Deaths become many for several reasons. One is frequent famine, as I have said. Another is frequent unrest as the dynasty falls into disorder, so that riots and killing increase. Another is pestilence. Its cause is mostly the corruption of the air when the population is large, because so much rot and foul moisture mixes with the air. The air feeds the animal spirit and is always in contact with it. So when the air is corrupted, the corruption passes into the spirit’s temperament. If the corruption is strong, the sickness strikes the lungs. These are the plagues, and their diseases belong to the lungs. If the corruption is less strong and widespread, rot builds up and multiplies. Then fevers spread through the temperaments, and bodies sicken and die.

A London Diary of the Plague Year, 1665

Samuel Pepys, Diary, 1665, edited by Henry B. Wheatley (1893–99) · June 7–December 31, 1665

1665-06-07

This day, much against my will, I did in Drury Lane see two or three houses marked with a red cross upon the doors, and “Lord have mercy upon us” writ there; which was a sad sight to me, being the first of the kind that, to my remembrance, I ever saw. It put me into an ill conception of myself and my smell, so that I was forced to buy some roll-tobacco to smell to and chaw, which took away the apprehension.

This day, much against my will, I did in Drury Lane see two or three houses marked with a red cross upon the doors, and “Lord have mercy upon us” writ there; which was a sad sight to me, being the first of the kind that, to my remembrance, I ever saw. It put me into an ill conception of myself and my smell, so that I was forced to buy some roll tobacco to smell to and chew, which took away the apprehension.

Engrafting against Smallpox

Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, letter to Sarah Chiswell, Adrianople, April 1, 1717, in her Letters (1763) · April 1, 1717 (Old Style); published 1763

2

Those dreadful stories you have heard of the Plague, have very little foundation in truth. I own, I have much ado to reconcile myself to the sound of a word, which has always given me such terrible ideas; though I am convinced there is little more in it, than in a fever. As a proof of this, let me tell you, that we passed through two or three towns most violently infected. In the very next house where we lay, (in one of those places) two persons died of it. Luckily for me, I was so well received, that I knew nothing of the matter; and I was made believe, that our second cook, had only a great cold. However we left our doctor to take care of him, and yesterday they both arrived here in good health; and I am now let into the secret, that he has had the Plague. There are many that escape it, neither is the air ever infected. I am persuaded that it would be as easy a matter to root it out here, as out of Italy and France; but it does so little mischief, they are not very solicitous about it, and are content to suffer this distemper, instead of our variety, which they are utterly unacquainted with.

Those dreadful stories you have heard of the plague have very little foundation in truth. I own I have much ado to reconcile myself to the sound of a word which has always given me such terrible ideas, though I am convinced there is little more in it than in a fever. As a proof of this, let me tell you that we passed through two or three towns most violently infected. In the very next house where we lay (in one of those places) two persons died of it. Luckily for me, I was so well received that I knew nothing of the matter, and I was made believe that our second cook had only a great cold. However, we left our doctor to take care of him, and yesterday they both arrived here in good health. And I am now let into the secret that he has had the plague. There are many that escape it; neither is the air ever infected. I am persuaded that it would be as easy a matter to root it out here as out of Italy and France. But it does so little mischief, they are not very solicitous about it, and are content to suffer this distemper instead of our variety, which they are utterly unacquainted with.

Philadelphia in Terror, 1793

Mathew Carey, A Short Account of the Malignant Fever, Lately Prevalent in Philadelphia, third edition (1793) · November 1793, during the last weeks of the epidemic

2

The consternation of the people of Philadelphia at this period was carried beyond all bounds. Dismay and affright were visible in almost every person's countenance. Most people who could by any means make it convenient, fled from the city. Of those who remained, many shut themselves up in their houses, and were afraid to walk the streets. The smoke of tobacco being regarded as a preventative, many persons, even women and small boys, had segars constantly in their mouths. Others placing full confidence in garlic, chewed it almost the whole day; some kept it in their shoes. Many were afraid to allow the barbers or hair-dressers to come near them, as instances had occurred of some of them having shaved the dead — and many of them had engaged as bleeders. Some who carried their caution pretty far, bought lancets for themselves, not daring to be bled with the lancets of the bleeders. Some houses were hardly a moment in the day free from the smell of gunpowder, burned tobacco, nitre, sprinkled vinegar, &c. Many of the churches were almost deserted, and some wholly closed. The coffee house was shut up, as was the city library, and most of the public offices — three out of the four daily papers were dropped, as were some of the other papers.

The consternation of the people of Philadelphia at this period was carried beyond all bounds. Dismay and affright were visible in almost every person’s countenance. Most people who could by any means make it convenient fled from the city. Of those who remained, many shut themselves up in their houses, and were afraid to walk the streets. The smoke of tobacco being regarded as a preventative, many persons, even women and small boys, had cigars constantly in their mouths. Others, placing full confidence in garlic, chewed it almost the whole day; some kept it in their shoes. Many were afraid to allow the barbers or hairdressers to come near them, as instances had occurred of some of them having shaved the dead, and many of them had engaged as bleeders. Some who carried their caution pretty far bought lancets for themselves, not daring to be bled with the lancets of the bleeders. Some houses were hardly a moment in the day free from the smell of gunpowder, burned tobacco, niter, sprinkled vinegar, etc. Many of the churches were almost deserted, and some wholly closed. The coffeehouse was shut up, as was the city library, and most of the public offices. Three out of the four daily papers were dropped, as were some of the other papers.

3

Many were almost incessantly purifying, scouring, and whitewashing their rooms. Those who ventured abroad, had handkerchiefs or sponges impregnated with vinegar or camphor at their noses, or else smelling bottles with the thieves' vinegar. Others carried pieces of tarred rope in their hands or pockets, or camphor bags tied round their necks. The corpses of the most respectable citizens, even of those who did not die of the epidemic, were carried to the grave, on the shafts of a chair, the horse driven by a negro, unattended by a friend or relation, and without any sort of ceremony. People hastily shifted their course at the sight of a hearse coming towards them. Many never walked on the foot path, but went into the middle of the streets, to avoid being infected in passing by houses wherein people had died. Acquaintances and friends avoided each other in the streets, and only signified their regard by a cold nod. The old custom of shaking hands fell into such general disuse, that many were affronted at even the offer of the hand. A person with a crape, or any appearance of mourning, was shunned like a viper. And many valued themselves highly on the skill and address with which they got to windward of every person they met. Indeed it is not probable that London, at the last stage of the plague, exhibited stronger marks of terror, than were to be seen in Philadelphia, from the 25th or 26th of August till pretty late in September. When people summoned up resolution to walk abroad, and take the air, the sick cart conveying patients to the hospital, or the hearse carrying the dead to the grave, which were travelling almost the whole day, soon damped their spirits, and plunged them again into despondency.

Many were almost incessantly purifying, scouring, and whitewashing their rooms. Those who ventured abroad had handkerchiefs or sponges impregnated with vinegar or camphor at their noses, or else smelling bottles with the thieves’ vinegar. Others carried pieces of tarred rope in their hands or pockets, or camphor bags tied round their necks. The corpses of the most respectable citizens, even of those who did not die of the epidemic, were carried to the grave on the shafts of a chair, the horse driven by a negro, unattended by a friend or relation, and without any sort of ceremony. People hastily shifted their course at the sight of a hearse coming toward them. Many never walked on the footpath, but went into the middle of the streets, to avoid being infected in passing by houses wherein people had died. Acquaintances and friends avoided each other in the streets, and only signified their regard by a cold nod. The old custom of shaking hands fell into such general disuse that many were affronted at even the offer of the hand. A person with a crape, or any appearance of mourning, was shunned like a viper. And many valued themselves highly on the skill and address with which they got to windward of every person they met. Indeed it is not probable that London, at the last stage of the plague, exhibited stronger marks of terror than were to be seen in Philadelphia from the 25th or 26th of August till pretty late in September. When people summoned up resolution to walk abroad and take the air, the sick cart conveying patients to the hospital, or the hearse carrying the dead to the grave, which were traveling almost the whole day, soon damped their spirits, and plunged them again into despondency.