How the Angola Trade Fed Cartagena
Draft: this translation has not yet been checked against the original by a separate review.
- Written
- first printed 1627; this text from the second edition, 1647 (events of about 1600–1620)
- Place
- Cartagena de Indias
- Language
- Spanish
- Kind of source
- treatise
- Reading time
- 3 minutes
- Difficulty
- Challenging
- Intensity
- High: the slave trade told in its own business language, including a shipwreck in which hundreds of captives died and the hands of captives who died on the road, brought back as proof
Slavery and forced laborTrade, markets and moneyTranslation and interpretersCaribbean and Isthmus
A ship from Angola struck a shoal within sight of Cartagena. Of the nine hundred captives packed aboard, Sandoval was told, thirty survived.
Alonso de Sandoval was born in Seville and raised in Lima, where his father held a royal post. He became a Jesuit and in 1605 was sent to the new Jesuit college at Cartagena de Indias, the main port through which enslaved Africans entered Spanish South America. For decades he met the slave ships as they arrived, went down into their holds, and with African interpreters tried to learn where each captive came from and whether they had been baptized. In 1627 he printed a long book on the peoples of Africa and on how to minister to them; a revised edition followed in 1647.
Sandoval saw the ships and the captives with his own eyes. What he says here about Angola, though, came from others, a ship’s captain and a Jesuit in Luanda, and he passes it on as hearsay. He wrote as a priest concerned for the captives’ souls. He questioned how they had been enslaved, but he did not call for an end to the trade.
Watch how the trade is described in the language of commerce, with people counted as cargo, and how a war between African kings becomes, in this telling, the reason so many captives reached Cartagena.
The edited translation, in simplified modern English. Bracketed words were added for clarity; [...] marks a cut. Tap a note number to read the note.
6As for the trade in captives1 in Angola itself, which the Father seems to excuse himself from discussing,2 I will say this. Once a captain came to me grieving over a whole cargo of Africans3 that he was bringing from Angola4 in his ship. It had struck a shoal called the Negrillos, within sight of Cartagena, and was so badly wrecked that only thirty of the nine hundred aboard escaped. This is an example of what we have just said, for even misfortunes come in degrees. The case grieved me, and I was astonished at how many Africans for sale there must be in Angola. One thing led to another, and he came to tell me the reason there were so many now. This was true even though many had been freed because of what the Father Rector, Luis Brandaon, whose letter I have just quoted, preached publicly against the injustice of their captivity. I showed surprise at what he told me, since the Father himself had told me something very different. He answered that it was not so in this case. I begged him to tell me the story. He said that two powerful kings had gone to war with each other. One of them, hard pressed by his enemy, sent an ambassador to ask for help from someone on our side who could give it. He sent along a rich present, a great number of slaves, and this won the man over, so that he sent the king plenty of good soldiers. This did not escape the enemy king. He thought that if he did the same, and gave a bigger gift, he too would get more help. He judged that self-interest is so powerful, and so persuasive a speaker, that it might win the man over. It happened just as if he had foreseen it, for poverty is a cruel executioner of those born to honor. With both sides reinforced, they came to blows and fought a cruel war, and one of them won. Many thieves and idle, lawless people seized on this defeat to commit assaults, robberies, and thefts across the kingdom. Disasters like these are open fairs where such people do business and profit, since the law is busy and distracted by the disaster, and in the confusion no one is on guard. So captives were plentiful, and that was why there were so many slaves on the market now. From there came the countless Africans who were reaching Cartagena at that time.
7But we should note the ordinary way the trade works in that land, how they buy the “pieces”5 that make up their cargoes to ship them elsewhere. The citizens and settlers of Luanda6 own certain Africans whom they call Pumberos,7 each of them worth a thousand pesos. These men set out with others, called carriers, who carry the trade goods on their backs eighty leagues8 inland. There they find great fairs and gatherings where they can buy many Africans. The sellers are Africans called Genses, which means merchants, who have come from more than two or three hundred leagues away with many captives from different kingdoms. They trade them to the Pumberos for all kinds of goods. Once the Pumberos have bought, they go back to report to their masters. As proof of the captives who died on them along the road, they bring back some of their hands. To see them, and to smell their stench, fills one with horror and dread.
Notes
- Rescate, literally “ransom,” was the usual Spanish word for buying captives in Africa. It made the purchase sound like a rescue. back
- Earlier in this chapter Sandoval quotes a letter of 1611 from Luis Brandão, rector of the Jesuit college at Luanda, who wrote that the trade from Angola was seldom questioned. back
- An armazón was a whole shipload of enslaved Africans, counted as one cargo. back
- Angola, the Portuguese colony around Luanda on the coast of West Central Africa, then the largest single source of captives shipped to Spanish America. back
- Spaniards at the time often called a captive a pieza, a “piece,” as if counting goods. back
- Luanda, the Portuguese port and capital of Angola. back
- Pumbeiros (from the Kimbundu word for a slave market inland) were African and Afro-Portuguese agents who went inland to buy captives for the merchants of Luanda. back
- A Spanish league was roughly 3 to 4 miles (5 to 6 km). Eighty leagues is well over two hundred miles. back
Pero en lo que toca al rescate de esta tierra, que parece que el Padre se escusa de tratarlo. Digo, que en vna ocasion se me lamentaua vn Capitan de vna armazon de negros, que traía de Angola en vn nauio, por auer tocado en vn baxio llamado los Negrillos a vista de Cartagena, y corrido tan gran naufragio (exemplo de lo que acabamos de dezir) que solamente escapò treinta de nouecientos que en èl traía, que tambien ay venturas en las desdichas.
But as regards the rescate of this land, which it seems the Father excuses himself from treating. I say that on one occasion a captain lamented to me about an armazón of Blacks that he was bringing from Angola in a ship, because of having struck on a shoal called the Negrillos within sight of Cartagena, and run [into] such a great shipwreck (an example of what we have just said) that only thirty escaped of nine hundred that he was carrying in it, for there are also [degrees of] fortune in misfortunes.
As for the trade in captives in Angola itself, which the Father seems to excuse himself from discussing, I will say this. Once a captain came to me grieving over a whole cargo of Africans that he was bringing from Angola in his ship. It had struck a shoal called the Negrillos, within sight of Cartagena, and was so badly wrecked that only thirty of the nine hundred aboard escaped. This is an example of what we have just said, for even misfortunes come in degrees.
- Rescate, literally “ransom,” was the usual Spanish word for buying captives in Africa. It made the purchase sound like a rescue.
- Earlier in this chapter Sandoval quotes a letter of 1611 from Luis Brandão, rector of the Jesuit college at Luanda, who wrote that the trade from Angola was seldom questioned.
- An armazón was a whole shipload of enslaved Africans, counted as one cargo.
- Angola, the Portuguese colony around Luanda on the coast of West Central Africa, then the largest single source of captives shipped to Spanish America.
Lastimòme el caso, assombròme el numero que deuia de auer en Angola de negros de rescate, y de vnas en otras me vino a contar la causa de la muchedumbre presente, aun con auer libertado a muchos por respeto de lo que contra la injusticia de su cautiuerio predicaua publicamente el Padre Rector Luis Brandaon (cuya carta acabo de referir.)
The case grieved me; the number of Blacks for rescate that there must be in Angola astonished me; and from one thing to another he came to tell me the cause of the present multitude, even with [the fact of] having freed many out of regard for what the Father Rector Luis Brandaon (whose letter I have just related) preached publicly against the injustice of their captivity.
The case grieved me, and I was astonished at how many Africans for sale there must be in Angola. One thing led to another, and he came to tell me the reason there were so many now. This was true even though many had been freed because of what the Father Rector, Luis Brandaon, whose letter I have just quoted, preached publicly against the injustice of their captivity.
Mostrè admirarme de lo que me dezia, por auer sido informado muy al contrario del mismo Padre, a que dixo, que no seria en el caso presente. Roguele me lo contasse: dixo que trauado guerra dos poderosos Reyes entre si, el vno viendose afligido de su contrario embiò su Embaxador, pidiendo socorro a quien entre los nuestros se lo podia dar, con vn rico presente de gran suma de negros, que le mouieron el animo, de suerte que se lo embiò copioso de buenos soldados: no se le escondio esto al Rey contrario, que pareciendole, que si èl hazia lo mismo, y se auentajaua en don, tambien tendria auentajado socorro: juzgando, que el interes, como es tan poderoso, y como orador que tan bien persuade, podria ser que le rindiesse.
I showed [myself] to wonder at what he told me, having been informed very much to the contrary by the same Father; to which he said that it would not be [so] in the present case. I begged him to tell it to me: he said that, two powerful kings having joined war between themselves, the one, seeing himself distressed by his opponent, sent his ambassador, asking help of one who among ours could give it to him, with a rich present of a great sum of Blacks, which moved his spirit, so that he sent it [the help] to him abundant in good soldiers: this was not hidden from the opposing king, who, it seeming to him that if he did the same and outdid [him] in gift, he would also have greater help, judging that interest, as it is so powerful, and as an orator who persuades so well, might be [able] to win him over.
I showed surprise at what he told me, since the Father himself had told me something very different. He answered that it was not so in this case. I begged him to tell me the story. He said that two powerful kings had gone to war with each other. One of them, hard pressed by his enemy, sent an ambassador to ask for help from someone on our side who could give it. He sent along a rich present, a great number of slaves, and this won the man over, so that he sent the king plenty of good soldiers. This did not escape the enemy king. He thought that if he did the same, and gave a bigger gift, he too would get more help. He judged that self-interest is so powerful, and so persuasive a speaker, that it might win the man over.
Como si adiuinara sucedio: que es la poca possibilidad cruel verdugo de los que nacieron con honra. Viendose pues ambos socorridos vinieron a las manos, trauaron cruel guerra, vencio el vno. Desta rota tomaron ocasion muchos ladrones, y gente ociosa, y de mala vida para hazer en el Reino muchos insultos, robos, y latrocinios, que semejantes desgracias son ferias francas en que los tales grangean, y se aprouechan, viendo que la justicia està ocupada, y diuertida en las desgracias; y que la confusion no dà lugar a recatos. Con lo qual huuo abundante rescate, y auia aquel gran numero de esclauos, que al presente corria, y de donde salian los innumerables negros que a Cartagena llegauan en aquel tiempo.
As if he had guessed, it happened: for little means is a cruel executioner of those who were born with honor. Both, then, seeing themselves helped, came to blows, joined cruel war; the one won. From this rout many thieves and idle people of evil life took occasion to commit in the kingdom many assaults, robberies and thefts, for such misfortunes are free fairs in which such people profit and take advantage, seeing that justice is occupied and distracted in the misfortunes, and that the confusion gives no room for caution. With which there was abundant rescate, and there was that great number of slaves which was current at present, and from where came the innumerable Blacks who were arriving at Cartagena at that time.
It happened just as if he had foreseen it, for poverty is a cruel executioner of those born to honor. With both sides reinforced, they came to blows and fought a cruel war, and one of them won. Many thieves and idle, lawless people seized on this defeat to commit assaults, robberies, and thefts across the kingdom. Disasters like these are open fairs where such people do business and profit, since the law is busy and distracted by the disaster, and in the confusion no one is on guard. So captives were plentiful, and that was why there were so many slaves on the market now. From there came the countless Africans who were reaching Cartagena at that time.
Pero el ordinario modo, y trato desta tierra, en orden a rescatar las piezas de que hazen sus armaçones para sacarlas a otras partes, es bien que le aduirtamos, y es, que los vezinos, y moradores de Loanda tienen algunos negros, que llaman Pumberos, que vale cada vno mil pesos: estos se parten en compañia de otros, que llaman cargadores, lleuando a cuestas la hazienda para el rescate, la tierra adentro trecho de ochenta leguas, donde hallan vnas grandes ferias, y juntas, para rescatar en ellas muchos negros, a quienes llaman Genses, que quiere dezir mercaderes, que han venido de mas de docientas y trecientas leguas, con muchos negros de diferentes Reinos, para rescatarlos por varias mercaderias a los Pumberos,
But the ordinary manner and trade of this land, in order to rescatar the pieces of which they make their armazones to take them out to other parts, it is well that we note it, and it is that the citizens and inhabitants of Loanda have some Blacks whom they call Pumberos, each of whom is worth a thousand pesos: these set out in company of others whom they call carriers, carrying on their backs the goods for the rescate, inland a distance of eighty leagues, where they find some great fairs and gatherings, to rescatar in them many Blacks, whom they call Genses, which means merchants, who have come from more than two hundred and three hundred leagues, with many Blacks of different kingdoms, to rescatar them for various merchandise to the Pumberos,
But we should note the ordinary way the trade works in that land, how they buy the “pieces” that make up their cargoes to ship them elsewhere. The citizens and settlers of Luanda own certain Africans whom they call Pumberos, each of them worth a thousand pesos. These men set out with others, called carriers, who carry the trade goods on their backs eighty leagues inland. There they find great fairs and gatherings where they can buy many Africans. The sellers are Africans called Genses, which means merchants, who have come from more than two or three hundred leagues away with many captives from different kingdoms. They trade them to the Pumberos for all kinds of goods.
- Spaniards at the time often called a captive a pieza, a “piece,” as if counting goods.
- Luanda, the Portuguese port and capital of Angola.
- Pumbeiros (from the Kimbundu word for a slave market inland) were African and Afro-Portuguese agents who went inland to buy captives for the merchants of Luanda.
- A Spanish league was roughly 3 to 4 miles (5 to 6 km). Eighty leagues is well over two hundred miles.
los quales en auiendo comprado, se bueluen a dar cuenta a sus amos, trayendo para prueua, y testimonio de los que se le han muerto en el camino, algunas manos, que causa verlas, y sentir su mal olor, horror, y assombro.
who, having bought, go back to give account to their masters, bringing as proof and testimony of those who have died on them on the road some hands, which to see them and smell their bad odor causes horror and dread.
Once the Pumberos have bought, they go back to report to their masters. As proof of the captives who died on them along the road, they bring back some of their hands. To see them, and to smell their stench, fills one with horror and dread.
Who and what this source names, in the original. Each name links to every source in the library that mentions it. Not yet checked.
Ideas
- Markets and trade Buying, selling and trading goods: markets, merchants, money and the routes along which goods traveled. Sections 22.7a.
- Slavery and forced labor Holding people as property, or forcing them to work: captives sold in the Americas and Europe, the trade in enslaved Africans, and the forced labor of Indigenous peoples under Spanish rule. Sections 22.6a, 22.6b, 22.6d, 22.7a.
People
- Luis Brandão Rector of the Jesuit college at Luanda, who wrote in 1611 that the trade from Angola was seldom questioned, and preached against the injustice of some captives' enslavement. Sections 22.6b.
Places
- Angola The Portuguese colony around Luanda on the coast of West Central Africa, in the early 1600s the largest single source of captives shipped to Spanish America. Sections 22.6a, 22.6b.
- Cartagena de Indias A Spanish port on the Caribbean coast of present-day Colombia, the main port through which enslaved Africans entered Spanish South America. The Jesuit Alonso de Sandoval worked there from 1605. Sections 22.6a, 22.6d.
- Luanda The Portuguese port and capital of Angola, whose merchants sent agents inland to buy captives. Sections 22.7a.
Page images of the original object or of the printed edition, from the libraries and archives that hold them. The pages shown are copied here where the holder marks them public domain; titles link to the holder's own viewer. Click a page to see it full size.
Sandoval, De instauranda Aethiopum salute, vol. 1, Madrid 1647
Heidelberg University Library. pp. 102–103. Public Domain Mark 1.0.
The edition our text follows.
Sandoval, Naturaleza, policia sagrada i profana … de todos los Etiopes, Seville 1627
Universidad de Granada, Biblioteca (Digibug). Digital copy under CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 (as the holder states); the book itself is public domain.
The first edition, printed by Francisco de Lira. Not yet compared.
Difficulty: Challenging, dense and roundabout, with trade words explained in the notes; the story of the two kings needs a slow reading.
Fits these units
- Violence, disease, and blame. Whom did writers blame for the suffering that followed contact?
Key terms
- shoal
- a shallow place in the sea, such as a sandbank, where ships can run aground
- cargo
- the goods a ship carries; the slave trade counted enslaved people as cargo
- pieces
- the trade's word for captives, counted as if they were goods
- Pumberos
- agents sent inland to buy captives for the merchants of Luanda; Sandoval says the settlers owned them
- fair
- a large market held at a set place and time
- Jesuit
- a member of the Society of Jesus, an order of Catholic priests
- rector
- the head of a college; here, Luis Brandão, head of the Jesuit college at Luanda
Questions
- Comprehension
According to the captain, why were there so many captives for sale in Angola at that time?
- Analysis
In the captain's story, the enemy king judges that self-interest is "so persuasive a speaker," and the teller adds that poverty is "a cruel executioner of those born to honor." Whom do these sayings seem to be about, and what do they suggest about how Sandoval judges that person's part in the war?
- Analysis (reliability)
Sandoval saw the ships and captives at Cartagena himself, but what he says about Angola came from a ship's captain and a Jesuit in Luanda. How should that change the way we use each part of this passage? Why might the captain tell the story the way he did?
- Connection
Read Las Casas, A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies (Opening). Las Casas says the Spaniards killed so many for one reason alone, their wish for gold and riches. Sandoval explains the many captives through self-interest, war, and lawless people. Compare whom each priest blames for the suffering he describes, and how each one's position shapes where he places the blame.
Activity
Students draw a flow chart of the trade as the captain's story and the last two paragraphs describe it: the inland fairs, the Genses, the Pumberos and carriers, Luanda, the ship, and Cartagena. At each step they write who profits and what the text says happened to the captives. The class then discusses how words such as "pieces" and "cargo" shape the way a reader sees the people being sold.
A printable worksheet for this source · More on Hearth Learning
New translation from the Spanish text of the second edition of Sandoval’s work (Madrid, 1647), book 1, chapter 22, sections 6–7, pages 102–103. Two sections of a chapter on whether the captives were justly enslaved.
The writer’s negros is translated “Black people” or “Africans” where it names people, and kept as “slaves” or “captives” where he means the trade’s cargo. Trade words he uses, such as rescate and piezas, are glossed in the notes.
- Original
- Text as printed in the named edition or on the object, read from page images. Edition: Alonso de Sandoval, Tomo primero De instauranda Aethiopum salute: Historia de Aethiopia, naturaleça, policia sagrada y profana, costumbres, ritos y catechismo evangelico de todos los Aethiopes, second edition (Madrid, 1647), book 1, chapter 22, sections 6–7, pp. 102–103. Digital copy: Heidelberg University Library, sandoval1647bd1 (doi:10.11588/diglit.13362), OCR text extracted by code, columns separated, and read against the page images. The author’s text only; marginal references not copied.
- Transliterated
- Not needed: the original is in the Latin alphabet
- Close English
- Close translation drafted by Claude (Anthropic), kept as a working draft
- Simplified English
- Drafted by Claude (Anthropic) from the original. Not yet checked by a separate review.
- Editor’s review
- Not yet.
- Specialist review
- Not yet. Readings a specialist should confirm are listed for later review.
- Rights
- Original: public domain. Edition: public domain. Our translations and notes: CC BY-SA 4.0; credit “Hearth Library, hearthinteractive.com” with a link.
Sources for the notes
- Sandoval, Alonso de. De instauranda Aethiopum salute, vol. 1. 2nd ed. Madrid, 1647. Book 1, chapter 22, pages 99–103. Heidelberg University Library. https://digi.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/diglit/sandoval1647bd1
- Real Academia de la Historia. “Alonso de Sandoval.” Diccionario Biográfico Español (Historia Hispánica). https://historia-hispanica.rah.es/biografias/41478-alonso-de-sandoval
- Universidad de Granada. Catalogue record for Sandoval, Naturaleza, policia sagrada i profana … de todos los Etiopes (Seville: Francisco de Lira, 1627). https://digibug.ugr.es/handle/10481/11888