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Ideas

Quarantine and public health measures

Keeping the sick, travelers or goods out of a city or away from the healthy, and cleaning the streets, by order of officials: from Florence in 1348 to the cholera posts of 1830 and the plague searches of 1897.

The Pestilence Comes to Florence, 1348

Giovanni Boccaccio, The Decameron, Introduction to the First Day, edited by Pietro Fanfani (1888) · about 1349–1353 (events of 1348)

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Et in quella non valendo alcuno senno né umano provvedimento, per lo quale fu da molte immondizie purgata la città da oficiali sopra ciò ordinati, e vietato l'entrarvi dentro a ciascuno infermo, e molti consigli dati a conservazion della sanità; né ancora umili supplicazioni, non una volta ma molte, et in processioni ordinate, et in altre guise a Dio fatte dalle divote persone; quasi nel principio della primavera dell'anno predetto orribilmente cominciò i suoi dolorosi effetti, et in miracolosa maniera, a dimostrare.

Against it no wisdom or human foresight did any good. Officials appointed for the task cleared the city of much filth. No sick person was allowed to enter, and much advice was given on staying healthy. Nor did humble prayers to God do any good, though devout people offered them not once but many times, in organized processions and in other ways. Almost at the beginning of spring that year, the pestilence began to show its painful effects, in horrible and astonishing ways.

A London Diary of the Plague Year, 1665

Samuel Pepys, Diary, 1665, edited by Henry B. Wheatley (1893–99) · June 7–December 31, 1665

1665-06-07

This day, much against my will, I did in Drury Lane see two or three houses marked with a red cross upon the doors, and “Lord have mercy upon us” writ there; which was a sad sight to me, being the first of the kind that, to my remembrance, I ever saw. It put me into an ill conception of myself and my smell, so that I was forced to buy some roll-tobacco to smell to and chaw, which took away the apprehension.

This day, much against my will, I did in Drury Lane see two or three houses marked with a red cross upon the doors, and “Lord have mercy upon us” writ there; which was a sad sight to me, being the first of the kind that, to my remembrance, I ever saw. It put me into an ill conception of myself and my smell, so that I was forced to buy some roll tobacco to smell to and chew, which took away the apprehension.

1665-08-16

But, Lord! how sad a sight it is to see the streets empty of people, and very few upon the ‘Change. Jealous of every door that one sees shut up, lest it should be the plague; and about us two shops in three, if not more, generally shut up.

But, Lord! how sad a sight it is to see the streets empty of people, and very few upon the ’Change. Jealous of every door that one sees shut up, lest it should be the plague; and about us two shops in three, if not more, generally shut up.

1665-09-03

Up; and put on my coloured silk suit very fine, and my new periwigg, bought a good while since, but durst not wear, because the plague was in Westminster when I bought it; and it is a wonder what will be the fashion after the plague is done, as to periwiggs, for nobody will dare to buy any haire, for fear of the infection, that it had been cut off of the heads of people dead of the plague. [...] Church being done, my Lord Bruncker, Sir J. Minnes, and I up to the Vestry at the desire of the justices of the Peace, Sir Theo. Biddulph and Sir W. Boreman and Alderman Hooker, in order to the doing something for the keeping of the plague from growing; but Lord! to consider the madness of the people of the town, who will (because they are forbid) come in crowds along with the dead corps to see them buried; but we agreed on some orders for the prevention thereof. Among other stories, one was very passionate, methought, of a complaint brought against a man in the towne for taking a child from London from an infected house. Alderman Hooker told us it was the child of a very able citizen in Gracious Street, a saddler, who had buried all the rest of his children of the plague, and himself and wife now being shut up and in despair of escaping, did desire only to save the life of this little child; and so prevailed to have it received stark-naked into the arms of a friend, who brought it (having put it into new fresh clothes) to Greenwich; where upon hearing the story, we did agree it should be permitted to be received and kept in the towne.

Up, and put on my colored silk suit, very fine, and my new periwig, bought a good while since, but durst not wear, because the plague was in Westminster when I bought it. And it is a wonder what will be the fashion after the plague is done, as to periwigs, for nobody will dare to buy any hair, for fear of the infection, that it had been cut off of the heads of people dead of the plague. Church being done, my Lord Brouncker, Sir J. Minnes, and I up to the vestry at the desire of the justices of the peace, Sir Theo. Biddulph and Sir W. Boreman and Alderman Hooker, in order to the doing something for the keeping of the plague from growing. But Lord! to consider the madness of the people of the town, who will (because they are forbid) come in crowds along with the dead corpses to see them buried; but we agreed on some orders for the prevention thereof. Among other stories, one was very passionate, methought, of a complaint brought against a man in the town for taking a child from London from an infected house. Alderman Hooker told us it was the child of a very able citizen in Gracious Street, a saddler, who had buried all the rest of his children of the plague; and himself and wife now being shut up and in despair of escaping, did desire only to save the life of this little child; and so prevailed to have it received stark naked into the arms of a friend, who brought it (having put it into new fresh clothes) to Greenwich; where, upon hearing the story, we did agree it should be permitted to be received and kept in the town.

An Island Surrounded by Quarantines

Alexander Pushkin, letters from Boldino, 1830, in his Works, vol. 6, edited by S. A. Vengerov (1915) · October–November 1830

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Братъ мнѣ непишетъ, пологая что его письма по обыкновенію, для меня неинтересны—Въ чумное время дѣло другое; радъ письму проколотому; знаешь что покрайней мѣрѣ живъ—и то хорошо. Если вы въ Калугѣ, я пріѣду къ Вамъ черезъ Пензу; если вы въ Москвѣ, т. е. въ Московской деревнѣ то пріѣду къ Вамъ черезъ Вятку, Архангельскъ и Петербургъ. Ей богу не шучу — но напишите мнѣ гдѣ вы а письмо адресуйте Лук: Уѣздъ въ село Абрамово для пересылки въ Болдино. Скорѣй дойдетъ. Простите. Цалую ручки у матушки; кланяюсь въ поясъ сестрицамъ.

My brother doesn’t write to me, thinking that his letters, as usual, don’t interest me. In a time of plague it’s a different matter. You are glad to get a letter even with holes punched in it. At least you know the writer is alive, and that’s something. If you are in Kaluga, I will come to you by way of Penza. If you are in Moscow, that is, at your family’s estate near Moscow, I will come to you by way of Vyatka, Arkhangelsk, and Petersburg. So help me God, I’m not joking. But write and tell me where you are, and address the letter: Lukoyanov District, village of Abramovo, to be forwarded to Boldino. It will get here sooner. Goodbye. I kiss your mother’s hands, and bow low to your sisters.

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Я живу въ деревнѣ какъ въ островѣ окруженной карантинами. Жду погоды чтобъ жениться и добраться до П. Б.—но я объ этомъ не смѣю еще и думать—

I live in the country as if on an island surrounded by quarantines. I’m waiting for the weather to change, so that I can get married and get to Petersburg. But I don’t dare even think about that yet.

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Изъ Моск. Вѣдомостей, единственнаго журнала доходящаго до меня, вижу любезный и почтенный Михайло Петровичъ что вы не оставили Матушки нашей. Дважды порывался я къ Вамъ, но карантины опять отбрасывали меня на мой несносный островокъ откуда простираю къ Вамъ руки и вопію гласомъ велимъ. Пошлите мнѣ слово живое, ради Бога. Никто мнѣ ничего непишетъ. Думаютъ что я холерой схваченъ или зачахъ въ карантинѣ. Не знаю гдѣ и что моя невѣста. Знаете-ли вы, можете-ли узнать? ради Бога узнайте и отпишите мнѣ: въ Лукояновскій Уѣздъ въ село Абрамово, для пересылки въ село Болдино.

From the Moscow Gazette, the only paper that reaches me, I see, my dear and esteemed Mikhail Petrovich, that you have not left our Mother Moscow. Twice I have tried to break through to you, but the quarantines threw me back again onto my unbearable little island. From here I stretch out my hands to you and cry out with a loud voice. Send me a living word, for God’s sake. No one writes to me at all. They think I’ve caught the cholera or wasted away in quarantine. I don’t know where my bride is or how she is. Do you know, or can you find out? For God’s sake, find out and write to me: Lukoyanov District, village of Abramovo, to be forwarded to the village of Boldino.

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А главнаго то и несказалъ: срокъ [день] моему долгу въ слѣдующемъ мѣсяцѣ, но я не смѣю надѣяться заплатить Вамъ. Не я лгу, и не мошна лжетъ—лжетъ холера и прилыгаютъ 5 карантиновъ насъ раздѣляющихъ. Прощайте, будьте живы. Что братъ?

But I haven’t said the main thing. My debt to you falls due next month, but I don’t dare hope to pay you. It’s not I who lie, and not my purse. The cholera lies, and the five quarantines between us help it lie. Goodbye, and stay alive. How is your brother?

The Pump in Broad Street, 1854

John Snow, On the Mode of Communication of Cholera, 2nd edition (1855) · 1855 (events of August–September 1854)

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I had an interview with the Board of Guardians of St. James’s parish, on the evening of Thursday, 7th September, and represented the above circumstances to them. In consequence of what I said, the handle of the pump was removed on the following day.

I had an interview with the Board of Guardians of St. James’s parish, on the evening of Thursday, 7th September, and represented the above circumstances to them. In consequence of what I said, the handle of the pump was removed on the following day.

The Plague Act and the House Searches, Bombay 1897

R. Nathan, comp., The Plague in India, 1896, 1897 (Simla: Government Central Printing Office, 1898) · 1898 (events of October 1896–April 1897)

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Epidemic Diseases Act (III of 1897). (Received the assent of the Governor General on the 4th February 1897.)

Epidemic Diseases Act (III of 1897). (Received the assent of the Governor General on the 4th February 1897.)

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(2) In particular and without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing provisions, the Governor General in Council may take measures and prescribe regulations for— (a) the inspection of any ship or vessel leaving, or arriving at, any port in British India and such detention thereof, or of any person intending to sail therein or arriving thereby, as may be necessary ; and (b) the inspection of persons travelling by railway or otherwise and the segregation, in hospital, temporary accommodation or otherwise, of persons suspected by the inspecting officer of being infected with any such disease.

(2) In particular and without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing provisions, the Governor General in Council may take measures and prescribe regulations for— (a) the inspection of any ship or vessel leaving, or arriving at, any port in British India and such detention thereof, or of any person intending to sail therein or arriving thereby, as may be necessary; and (b) the inspection of persons traveling by railway or otherwise and the segregation, in hospital, temporary accommodation or otherwise, of persons suspected by the inspecting officer of being infected with any such disease.

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In the case of the City of Bombay the greatest opposition was experienced from the Sunni Muhammadans, and especially the Konkani Sunnis. General Gatacre makes the following remarks with regard to the attitude of these Muhammadans : — “In the case of the Muhammadan community, and particularly of the Konkani Sunnis, much difficulty was at first experienced in bringing them to reason. The non-possumus attitude which they at first adopted is well illustrated by the proceedings at a meeting called by Hadji Oomer Jamal on December 28th for the purpose of persuading the community to assent to segregation. Most of the speakers were in favour of prayer as the best way of averting the disease, and when the promoters of the meeting tentatively suggested segregation, an old Muhammadan gentleman, as spokesman for certain sections of the community, said, ‘ he might mention that they were totally opposed to segregation and that nothing would persuade them to send their plague-stricken to the municipal hospital.’ A young Muhammadan then arose and, in supporting the last speaker, remarked : ‘ We will not go to hospital. Our musjid is our hospital.’ And this seemed to find favour with the meeting. — ( Times of India, December 29th.)

In the case of the City of Bombay the greatest opposition was experienced from the Sunni Muhammadans, and especially the Konkani Sunnis. General Gatacre makes the following remarks with regard to the attitude of these Muhammadans: “In the case of the Muhammadan community, and particularly of the Konkani Sunnis, much difficulty was at first experienced in bringing them to reason. The non possumus attitude which they at first adopted is well illustrated by the proceedings at a meeting called by Hadji Oomer Jamal on December 28th for the purpose of persuading the community to assent to segregation. Most of the speakers were in favor of prayer as the best way of averting the disease, and when the promoters of the meeting tentatively suggested segregation, an old Muhammadan gentleman, as spokesman for certain sections of the community, said, ‘he might mention that they were totally opposed to segregation and that nothing would persuade them to send their plague-stricken to the municipal hospital.’ A young Muhammadan then arose and, in supporting the last speaker, remarked: ‘We will not go to hospital. Our musjid is our hospital.’ And this seemed to find favor with the meeting.—(Times of India, December 29th.)

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“ Other cases of concealment, such as persons being shut in boxes, in lofts, and in privies, were constantly being brought to light and even corpses have been made to simulate life, to avoid the inevitable disinfection of the premises.

“Other cases of concealment, such as persons being shut in boxes, in lofts, and in privies, were constantly being brought to light and even corpses have been made to simulate life, to avoid the inevitable disinfection of the premises.

Why Single Out One? A Scientist on Typhoid Mary

W. P. Mason, “Typhoid Mary,” Science (July 23, 1909) · July 1909 (written July 1; printed July 23)

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Much has appeared in the press of late concerning the unfortunate woman who for two years past has been held a prisoner upon North Brothers Island by order of the board of health. On June 29 she appeared before Supreme Court Justice Giegerich on a writ of habeas corpus, sued out by her attorney to obtain her release. Judging from the evidence, we all know that Mary is a “typhoid carrier,” and a dangerous one by reason of her occupation as a cook; but she is only one among many such “carriers” and it is scarcely justice to place upon her alone the burden that should be shared by her entire class.

Much has appeared in the press of late concerning the unfortunate woman who for two years past has been held a prisoner upon North Brothers Island by order of the board of health. On June 29 she appeared before Supreme Court Justice Giegerich on a writ of habeas corpus, sued out by her attorney to obtain her release. Judging from the evidence, we all know that Mary is a “typhoid carrier,” and a dangerous one by reason of her occupation as a cook; but she is only one among many such “carriers,” and it is scarcely justice to place upon her alone the burden that should be shared by her entire class.

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We can not keep in detention all these people, then why single out and imprison one.

We cannot keep in detention all these people; then why single out and imprison one?