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Ideas

Prices and wages after the plague

With so many dead, chroniclers expected plenty; instead goods, labor and the work of every trade cost twice as much or more after 1348.

The Plague Goes Town by Town

Ibn al-Wardi, The Report of the Pestilence, from his chronicle (Aleppo, 1348) · 1348 (the essay); the chronicle entries 1346–1349

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وفيها: وقع الوباء ببلاد أزبك وخلت قرى ومدن من الناس، ثم اتصل الوباء بالقرم حتى صار يخرج منها في اليوم ألف جنازة أو نحو ذلك حكى لي ذلك من أثق به من التجار، ثم اتصل الوباء بالروم وهلك منهم خلق وأخبرني تاجر من أهل بلدنا قدم من تلك البلاد أن قاضي القرم قال: أحصينا من مات بالوباء فكانوا خمسة وثمانين ألفا غير من لا نعرفه، والوباء اليوم بقبرس والغلاء العظيم أيضا.

This year the pestilence struck the lands of Uzbek, and villages and cities were emptied of people. Then the pestilence reached the Crimea, until about a thousand funerals left the city in a single day. A merchant I trust told me this. Then the pestilence reached the Rum, and a great many of them died. A merchant from our town who came back from those lands told me what the judge of the Crimea had said: “We counted those who died of the pestilence. There were eighty-five thousand, not counting those we do not know about.” Today the pestilence is in Cyprus, and so are very high prices.

After the Mortality: Florence, 1348

Matteo Villani, Chronicle, book 1, edited by Francesco Gherardi Dragomanni (1846) · begun soon after 1348 (events of 1346–1350)

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Come si stimò dovizia, e seguì carestia. Stimossi per il mancamento della gente dovere essere dovizia di tutte le cose che la terra produce, e in contradio per l’ingratitudine degli uomini ogni cosa venne in disusata carestia, e continovò lungo tempo: ma in certi paesi, come narreremo, furono gravi e disusate fami. E ancora si pensò essere dovizia e abbondanza di vestimenti, e di tutte l’altre cose che al corpo umano sono di bisogno oltre alla vita, e il contrario apparve in fatto lungamente; che due cotanti o più valsono la maggior parte delle cose che valere non soleano innanzi alla detta mortalità. E il lavorio, e le manifatture d’ogni arte e mestiero montò oltre al doppio consueto disordinatamente. Piati, quistioni, contraversie e riotte sursono da ogni parte tra’ cittadini di catuna terra, per cagione dell’eredità e successioni. E la nostra città di Firenze lungamente ne riempiè le sue corti con grandi spendii e disusate gravezze. Guerre, e diversi scandali si mossone per tutto l’universo, contro alle opinioni degli uomini.

People thought that, with so many gone, there would be plenty of everything the earth produces. Instead, because of human ingratitude, everything became unusually scarce, and stayed so for a long time. In certain countries, as we will tell, there were severe and unusual famines. People also thought there would be plenty of clothing and of everything else the body needs besides food. In fact the opposite was true for a long time: most things cost twice as much as they had before the mortality, or more. Wages, and the price of goods made in every craft and trade, rose wildly to more than double. Lawsuits, disputes, and quarrels sprang up on every side among the citizens of every town over inheritances. For a long time our city of Florence filled its courts with them, at great cost and unusual burden. Wars and all kinds of trouble broke out everywhere, against everyone’s expectations.

The Great Mortality in Paris, 1348–1349

Jean de Venette (attributed), Continuation of the Chronicle of William of Nangis, edited by Hercule Géraud (1843) · about 1360 (events of 1348–1349)

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Sed, proh dolor! ex hujus renovatione saeculi non est mundus propter hoc in melius commutatus. Nam homines fuerunt postea magis avari et tenaces, cum multo plura bona quam antea possiderent; magis etiam cupidi et per lites, brigas et rixas atque per placita seipsos conturbantes. Nec per hujusmodi terribilem mortis pestem a Deo inflictam fuit pax inter reges et dominos reformata; quinimo inimici regis Franciae ac etiam Ecclesiae, fortiores et pejores quam ante, per mare et per terram guerras suscitaverunt, et mala ampliora ubique pullularunt. Et quod iterum mirabile fuit, nam cum omnis abundantia omnium bonorum esset, cuncta tamen cariora in duplo fuerunt, tam de rebus utensilibus quam de victualibus, ac etiam de mercimoniis et mercenariis, et agricolis et servis; exceptis aliquibus haereditatibus et domibus quae superfluae remanserant his diebus. Charitas etiam ab illo tempore refrigescere coepit valde, et iniquitas abundavit cum ignorantia et peccatis; nam pauci inveniebantur qui scirent aut vellent in domibus, villis et castris informare pueros in grammaticalibus rudimentis.

But alas! The world was not changed for the better by this renewal of the age. Afterward people were more greedy and grasping, though they owned far more goods than before. They were also more covetous, and they troubled themselves with lawsuits, brawls, quarrels, and pleas in court. Nor did this terrible plague of death, sent by God, bring peace among kings and lords. Instead the enemies of the king of France and of the Church, stronger and worse than before, stirred up wars by sea and by land, and greater evils sprang up everywhere. And here is another wonder. Though there was plenty of every good thing, everything cost twice as much. This was true of tools and household goods and of food, and also of merchandise, hired workers, farmhands, and servants. The exceptions were some inheritances and houses, which were left over in plenty in those days. From that time on, charity also began to grow very cold, and wickedness abounded, with ignorance and sin. For few could be found in houses, towns, and castles who knew how, or were willing, to teach children the basics of grammar.

We Have Seen More Humanity: An Answer to Carey

Absalom Jones and Richard Allen, A Narrative of the Proceedings of the Black People, during the Late Awful Calamity in Philadelphia (1794) · January 1794 (events of August–November 1793)

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We feel ourselves hurt most by a partial, censorious paragraph, in Mr. Carey's second edition, of his account of the sickness, &c. in Philadelphia; pages 76 and 77, where he asperses the blacks alone, for having taken the advantage of the distressed situation of the people. That some extravagant prices were paid, we admit; but how came they to be demanded? the reason is plain. It was with difficulty persons could be had to supply the wants of the sick, as nurses; — applications became more and more numerous, the consequence was, when we procured them at six dollars per week, and called upon them to go where they were wanted, we found they were gone elsewhere; here was a disappointment; upon enquiring the cause, we found, they had been allured away by others who offered greater wages, until they got from two to four dollars per day. We had no restraint upon the people. It was natural for people in low circumstances to accept a voluntary, bounteous reward; especially under the loathsomeness of many of the sick, when nature shuddered at the thoughts of the infection, and the task assigned was aggravated by lunacy, and being left much alone with them. Had Mr. Carey been solicited to such an undertaking, for hire, Query, "what would he have demanded? but Mr. Carey, although chosen a member of that band of worthies who have so eminently distinguished themselves by their labours, for the relief of the sick and helpless — yet, quickly after his election, left them to struggle with their arduous and hazardous task, by leaving the city. 'Tis true Mr. Carey was no hireling, and had a right to flee, and upon his return, to plead the cause of those who fled; yet, we think, he was wrong in giving so partial and injurious an account of the black nurses; if they have taken advantage of the public distress? Is it any more than he hath done of its desire for information. We believe he has made more money by the sale of his "scraps" than a dozen of the greatest extortioners among the black nurses. The great prices paid did not escape the observation of that worthy and vigilant magistrate, Mathew Clarkson, mayor of the city, and president of the committee — he sent for us, and requested we would, use our influence to lessen the wages of the nurses, but on informing him the cause, i. e. that of the people overbidding one another, it was concluded unnecessary to attempt any thing on that head; therefore it was left to the people concerned. That there were some few black people guilty of plundering the distressed, we acknowledge; but in that they only are pointed out, and made mention of, we esteem partial and injurious; we know as many whites who were guilty of it; but this is looked over, while the blacks are held up to censure.— Is it a greater crime for a black to pilfer, than, for a white to privateer?

We feel ourselves hurt most by a partial, censorious paragraph in Mr. Carey’s second edition of his account of the sickness, etc., in Philadelphia, pages 76 and 77, where he asperses the blacks alone for having taken the advantage of the distressed situation of the people. That some extravagant prices were paid, we admit; but how came they to be demanded? The reason is plain. It was with difficulty persons could be had to supply the wants of the sick as nurses. Applications became more and more numerous; the consequence was, when we procured them at six dollars per week, and called upon them to go where they were wanted, we found they were gone elsewhere. Here was a disappointment. Upon inquiring the cause, we found they had been allured away by others who offered greater wages, until they got from two to four dollars per day. We had no restraint upon the people. It was natural for people in low circumstances to accept a voluntary, bounteous reward, especially under the loathsomeness of many of the sick, when nature shuddered at the thoughts of the infection, and the task assigned was aggravated by lunacy, and being left much alone with them. Had Mr. Carey been solicited to such an undertaking for hire, query: what would he have demanded? But Mr. Carey, although chosen a member of that band of worthies who have so eminently distinguished themselves by their labors for the relief of the sick and helpless, yet, quickly after his election, left them to struggle with their arduous and hazardous task by leaving the city. ’Tis true Mr. Carey was no hireling, and had a right to flee, and upon his return to plead the cause of those who fled; yet we think he was wrong in giving so partial and injurious an account of the black nurses. If they have taken advantage of the public distress, is it any more than he hath done of its desire for information? We believe he has made more money by the sale of his “scraps” than a dozen of the greatest extortioners among the black nurses. The great prices paid did not escape the observation of that worthy and vigilant magistrate, Mathew Clarkson, mayor of the city and president of the committee. He sent for us, and requested we would use our influence to lessen the wages of the nurses; but on informing him the cause, that is, that of the people overbidding one another, it was concluded unnecessary to attempt anything on that head; therefore it was left to the people concerned. That there were some few black people guilty of plundering the distressed, we acknowledge; but in that they only are pointed out and made mention of, we esteem partial and injurious. We know as many whites who were guilty of it; but this is looked over, while the blacks are held up to censure. Is it a greater crime for a black to pilfer than for a white to privateer?