Contagion

δεινότατον δὲ παντὸς ἦν τοῦ κακοῦ ἥ τε ἀθυμία ὁπότε τις αἴσθοιτο κάμνων (πρὸς γὰρ τὸ ἀνέλπιστον εὐθὺς τραπόμενοι τῇ γνώμῃ πολλῷ μᾶλλον προΐεντο σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ οὐκ ἀντεῖχον), καὶ ὅτι ἕτερος ἀφ’ ἑτέρου θεραπείας ἀναπιμπλάμενοι ὥσπερ τὰ πρόβατα ἔθνῃσκον· καὶ τὸν πλεῖστον φθόρον τοῦτο ἐνεποίει.

The most terrible part of the whole disaster was the despair. As soon as people felt themselves falling sick, they lost all hope, gave themselves up far more easily, and stopped fighting. Just as terrible, they caught the disease from one another as they nursed each other, and they died like sheep. This caused more deaths than anything else.

διὸ δὴ ἅπαντες αὐτοὺς οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ τοὺς πονουμένους ᾠκτίζοντο, οὐχ ὅτι τῷ λοιμῷ ἐπιέζοντο ἐκ τοῦ προσιέναι (οὔτε γὰρ ἰατρῷ οὔτε ἰδιώτῃ μεταλαχεῖν τοῦ κακοῦ τοῦδε τῶν νοσούντων ἢ τῶν τετελευτηκότων ἁπτομένῳ ξυνέβη, ἐπεὶ πολλοὶ μὲν ἀεὶ καὶ τοὺς οὐδὲν σφίσι προσήκοντας ἢ θάπτοντες ἢ θεραπεύοντες ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ ὑπουργίᾳ παρὰ δόξαν ἀντεῖχον, πολλοὶ δὲ τῆς νόσου ἀπροφασίστως αὐτοῖς ἐπιπεσούσης εὐθὺς ἔθνησκον), ἀλλ’ ὅτι ταλαιπωρίᾳ πολλῇ εἴχοντο.

So everyone pitied the nurses as much as the sick. It was not that the nurses caught the plague by coming near the sick. (No doctor or anyone else caught this disease by touching the sick or the dead. Many people who kept burying or nursing even strangers held out in that work against all expectation. Meanwhile, many others fell sick for no visible reason and died at once.) People pitied the nurses because of the great hardship they endured.

ومنها: ومن الأقدار أنه يتبع أهل الدار، فمتى بصق أحد منهم دما تحققوا كلهم عدما ثم يسكن لباصق الأجداث بعد ليلتين أو ثلاث.

Another passage: It is one of the decrees of fate that the plague follows the members of a household. As soon as one of them spits blood, they are all sure they are finished. Then, after two nights or three, the one who spat lies in the grave.

ومنها: فإن قال قائل هو يعدي ويبيد قلت: بل الله يبدي ويعيد، فإن جادل الكاذب في دعوى العدوى وتأول قلنا فقد قال الصادق - صلى الله عليه وسلم -: " فمن أعدى الأول استرسل ثعبانه وانساب " وسمي طاعون الأنساب وهو سادس طاعون وقع في الإسلام، وعندي أنه الموتان الذي أنذر به نبينا عليه أفضل الصلاة والسلام كان وكان:

Another passage: If someone says, “It is contagious and destroys,” I say, “No, God creates and brings back.” If a liar argues for contagion and twists the meaning, we say, “The Truthful One, God bless him and grant him peace, said, ‘Then who infected the first?’” Its serpent uncoiled and slithered, and it was named the Plague of Lineages [because it took whole families]. It is the sixth plague to strike in Islam. In my view it is the great dying that our Prophet foretold, the best of blessing and peace be on him. In kān wa-kān verse:

Signa vero mortis Januensium & Messanensium cum eis participantium talia erant. Quod propter infectionem hanelitus inter eos mixti universaliter alloquentes, adeo unus alterum inficiebat, quod quasi totus dolore concussus videbatur, & quodammodo conquassatus; ex cujus doloris conquassatione & hanelitus inficiatione oriebatur quedam pustula circa femur, vel brachium ad modum lenticule: Que ita inficiebat & penetrabat corpus, quod violenter spuebant sanguinem: quo sputo spuendo per triduum, incessanter sine aliqua cura curabili vitam expirabant; & non tantum moriebantur quicumque eis conversabantur, ymmo quicumque de rebus eorum emeret, tangeret, seu affectaret.

These were the signs of death in the Genoese and in the people of Messina who mixed with them. As they talked together, their breath carried the infection, and one person infected another. The sick man seemed shaken all over with pain, almost shattered. From this pain and the infected breath a lentil-shaped pustule rose near the thigh or the arm. It so infected and penetrated the body that the sick spat blood violently. They spat for three days without stopping, and no treatment could cure them. Then they breathed their last. And not only did everyone who talked with them die, but anyone who bought, touched, or sought out their belongings.

Quid ultra? adeo fuerunt abominabiles & timorosi, quod nemo cum eis loquebatur, nec conversabant, sed fugiebant velociter eorum visionem, eorum anelitus penitus recusantes, & quasi in derisione omnibus Cataniensibus sunt effecti. Et si aliquis eorum cum aliquo loquebatur, respondebatur sibi vulgariter, non mi parlari ca si Missinisi, & nemo eos hospitabatur. Domos pro eorum habitaculis ad conducendum penitus non inveniebant. Et nisi quod Messanenses aliqui in civitate Catanie cum eorum familia habitantes eos clam hospitabantur, fuissent quasi omni auxilio destituti.

What more is there to say? People found them so loathsome and so frightening that no one would speak to them or keep company with them. Everyone ran from the sight of them and would not breathe their breath. They became a laughingstock to all of Catania. If one of them spoke to anyone, the answer came back in the common speech: Non mi parlari, ca si Missinisi. No one would give them lodging. They could find no house to rent anywhere. Some people from Messina who lived in Catania with their families took them in secretly. Without them, they would have had almost no help at all.

El Padre a pena stava a vedere il figliuolo; l'uno fratello l'altro fuggiva; la Moglie il Marito abbandonava, perciochè si diceva, che s'appiccava questa malattia nel mirare, e nell'alito; e così fu vero, che morì tante genti del mese di Maggio, di Giugno, e di Luglio, e d'Agosto, che non si trovava chi li volesse sopellire per denari. Parentado, nè Amistà, nè Prete, nè Frate andava con essi, nè Offizio si diceva.

A father would hardly stay to look at his son. Brother fled from brother. Wives abandoned their husbands, because people said this sickness was caught by looking at the sick and by their breath. And it was true. So many people died in May, June, July, and August that no one could be found to bury them, even for money. No relative, no friend, no priest or friar went with the dead, and no funeral office was said.

Cominciossi nelle parti d’Oriente, nel detto anno, inverso il Cattai e l’India superiore, e nelle altre provincie circustanti a quelle marine dell’oceano, una pestilenzia tra gli uomini d’ogni condizione di catuna età e sesso, che cominciavano a sputare sangue, e morivano chi di subito, chi in due o in tre dì, e alquanti sostenevano più al morire. E avveniva, che chi era a servire questi malati, appiccandosi quella malattia, o infetti di quella medesima corruzione incontanente malavano, e morivano per somigliante modo; e a’ più ingrossava l’anguinaia, e a molti sotto le ditella delle braccia a destra e a sinistra, e altri in altre parti del corpo, che quasi generalmente alcuna enfiatura singulare nel corpo infetto si dimostrava. Questa pestilenzia si venne di tempo in tempo, e di gente in gente apprendendo, comprese infra il termine d’uno anno la terza parte del mondo che si chiama Asia.

In that same year a pestilence began in the East, toward Cathay and upper India and the other lands along those ocean coasts. It struck people of every rank, age, and sex. They began to spit blood and died, some at once, some in two or three days, and some lingered longer. Whoever cared for these sick people caught the disease, or was infected with the same corruption, and at once fell ill and died in the same way. Most got a swelling in the groin, many under the armpits, right or left, and others elsewhere on the body. Almost always some single swelling appeared on the infected body. This pestilence spread over time from people to people, and within a year it took in Asia, the third part of the world.

E la successione di questa pestilenzia durava nel paese ove s’apprendeva cinque mesi continovi, ovvero cinque lunari: e questo avemmo per isperienza certa di molti paesi. Avvenne, perché parea che questa pestifera infezione s’appiccasse per la veduta e per lo toccamento che come l’uomo, o la femmina o i fanciulli si conoscevano malati di quella enfiatura, molti n’abbandonavano, e innumerabile quantità ne morirono, che sarebbono campati se fossono stati aiutati delle cose bisognevoli. Tra gl’infedeli cominciò questa inumanità crudele, che le madri e’ padri abbandonavano i figliuoli, e i figliuoli le madri e’ padri, e l’uno fratello l’altro e gli altri congiunti, cosa crudele e maravigliosa, e molto strana dalla umana natura, detestata tra i fedeli cristiani, nei quali, seguendo le nazioni barbare, questa crudeltà si trovò.

In each country it reached, this pestilence lasted five months in a row, or five lunar months. We know this for certain from the experience of many countries. People thought this deadly infection was caught by sight and by touch. So when a man, a woman, or children found they had the swelling, many people abandoned them. Countless numbers died who would have lived if they had been helped with what they needed. This cruel inhumanity began among the unbelievers. Mothers and fathers abandoned their children, and children their mothers and fathers, and brother abandoned brother and other kin. It was a cruel and astonishing thing, utterly against human nature and hateful among faithful Christians. Yet this cruelty was found among them too, following the example of the barbarous nations.

E fu questa pestilenza di maggior forza per ciò, che essa dagl'infermi di quella per lo comunicare insieme s'avventava a' sani, non altramenti che faccia il fuoco alle cose secche o unte quando molto gli sono avvicinate. E più avanti ancora ebbe di male; che non solamente il parlare e l'usare con gl'infermi dava a' sani infermità o cagione di comune morte, ma ancora il toccare i panni o qualunque altra cosa da quegli infermi stata tocca o adoperata pareva seco quella cotale infermità nel toccator trasportare. Maravigliosa cosa è ad udire quello che io debbo dire: il che, se dagli occhi di molti e da' miei non fosse stato veduto, appena che io ardissi di crederlo, non che di scriverlo, quantunque da fededegno udito l'avessi.

This pestilence was all the more powerful because it leapt from the sick to the healthy when they were together, just as fire catches dry or oily things brought close to it. And the evil went further still. Not only did talking with the sick or spending time with them give the healthy the sickness, or cause them to die the same death. Even touching the clothes of the sick, or anything else they had touched or used, seemed to pass the sickness on to the person who touched it. What I must tell now is amazing to hear. If I and many others had not seen it with our own eyes, I would hardly dare to believe it, let alone write it down, even if I had heard it from someone I trusted.

Tanta autem abundantia populi tunc, videlicet anno Domini mcccxlviii et mcccxlix decessit, quod nunquam auditum, neque visum, neque lectum fuit in temporibus retroactis. Et veniebat mors praedicta et infirmitas ex imaginatione vel societate ad invicem et contagione; nam qui sanus aliquem visitabat infirmum, vix aut raro mortis periculum evadebat. Unde in multis villis parvis et magnis sacerdotes timidi recedebant, religiosis aliquibus magis audacibus administrationem dimittentes, et breviter in multis locis de viginti hominibus non remanserant duo viventes.

So many people died then, in the years of our Lord 1348 and 1349, that nothing like it had ever been heard of, seen, or read about in times past. This death and sickness came from imagination, or from people keeping company with one another, and from contagion. Anyone healthy who visited a sick person hardly ever escaped the danger of death. So in many towns, small and large, the priests withdrew in fear. They left the care of souls to some members of religious orders who were bolder. In short, in many places not two out of twenty people were left alive.

Au mois de Décembre fumes avertis que la mortalité s'estoit mise au peuple de Stadacona, tellement que jà en estoient morts par leur confession plus de cinquante. A cause de quoi, leur fimmes défenses de non venir à notre Fort, ni entour nous. Mais nonobstant les avoir chassés, commença la mortalité entour nous d'une merveilleuse sorte, et la plus inconnue.

In December we learned that a mortality had struck the people of Stadacona. By their own account, more than fifty of them had already died. So we forbade them to come to our fort, or anywhere near us. But even though we had chased them off, the mortality broke out among us too, in an astonishing way, and of a kind no one knew.

邪之所著有天受有傳染所感雖殊其病則一凡人口鼻之氣通乎天氣本氣充滿邪不易入本氣適逢虧欠呼吸之間外邪因而乘之昔有三人冐霧早行空腹者死飲酒者病飽食者不病疫邪所著又何異耶若其年氣來之厲不論强弱正氣稍衰者觸之即病則又不拘于此矣

The harmful qi takes hold in two ways. Some people receive it from the sky, and some catch it by contagion. The ways differ, but the illness is the same. The qi of a person’s mouth and nose is open to the qi of the sky. When a person’s own qi is full, harmful qi cannot easily get in. When it happens to be low, the harmful qi from outside seizes its chance in the space of a breath. Once three men set out early through a fog. The one with an empty stomach died, the one who had drunk wine fell ill, and the one who had eaten well stayed healthy. How is it any different when the epidemic qi takes hold? But in a year when the qi comes fiercely, strong or weak makes no difference. Anyone whose healthy qi is even a little weak falls ill as soon as he touches it, and then this rule no longer holds.

Up; and put on my coloured silk suit very fine, and my new periwigg, bought a good while since, but durst not wear, because the plague was in Westminster when I bought it; and it is a wonder what will be the fashion after the plague is done, as to periwiggs, for nobody will dare to buy any haire, for fear of the infection, that it had been cut off of the heads of people dead of the plague. [...] Church being done, my Lord Bruncker, Sir J. Minnes, and I up to the Vestry at the desire of the justices of the Peace, Sir Theo. Biddulph and Sir W. Boreman and Alderman Hooker, in order to the doing something for the keeping of the plague from growing; but Lord! to consider the madness of the people of the town, who will (because they are forbid) come in crowds along with the dead corps to see them buried; but we agreed on some orders for the prevention thereof. Among other stories, one was very passionate, methought, of a complaint brought against a man in the towne for taking a child from London from an infected house. Alderman Hooker told us it was the child of a very able citizen in Gracious Street, a saddler, who had buried all the rest of his children of the plague, and himself and wife now being shut up and in despair of escaping, did desire only to save the life of this little child; and so prevailed to have it received stark-naked into the arms of a friend, who brought it (having put it into new fresh clothes) to Greenwich; where upon hearing the story, we did agree it should be permitted to be received and kept in the towne.

Up, and put on my colored silk suit, very fine, and my new periwig, bought a good while since, but durst not wear, because the plague was in Westminster when I bought it. And it is a wonder what will be the fashion after the plague is done, as to periwigs, for nobody will dare to buy any hair, for fear of the infection, that it had been cut off of the heads of people dead of the plague. Church being done, my Lord Brouncker, Sir J. Minnes, and I up to the vestry at the desire of the justices of the peace, Sir Theo. Biddulph and Sir W. Boreman and Alderman Hooker, in order to the doing something for the keeping of the plague from growing. But Lord! to consider the madness of the people of the town, who will (because they are forbid) come in crowds along with the dead corpses to see them buried; but we agreed on some orders for the prevention thereof. Among other stories, one was very passionate, methought, of a complaint brought against a man in the town for taking a child from London from an infected house. Alderman Hooker told us it was the child of a very able citizen in Gracious Street, a saddler, who had buried all the rest of his children of the plague; and himself and wife now being shut up and in despair of escaping, did desire only to save the life of this little child; and so prevailed to have it received stark naked into the arms of a friend, who brought it (having put it into new fresh clothes) to Greenwich; where, upon hearing the story, we did agree it should be permitted to be received and kept in the town.

2. The Good of Mankind, the seeking whereof is one of the Fundamental Laws of Nature, is, I know, pleaded in Defence of the Practice I contend against: But I must profess my self at a Loss, to find or understand, how that has been, or can be promoted hereby: For if by Good be meant the Preservation of Life, it is in the first Place a Question, Whether Life be a Good, or not? But if it be, the Preservation of it will be found as little beholden to this Practice, as any other Invention whatsoever. The confessed Miscarriages in this new Method, are more than have happened in the ordinary Way: And if this be our Case now, how much worse must it needs prove, if God for our Presumption, and contemptuous distrust of his good Providence, should suffer this Delusion to gain Ground, and these Physicians of no Value, these forgers of Lies, (as Job expresses it ) to obtain and grow into Credit among us: Such I fear they may be accounted, who so confidently tell us, what is impossible for them to know; namely, that they who undergo their Experiment, are for ever thereby secured from any future Danger and Infection: This is a bold Assertion indeed, and if such Experiment were lawful, and consistent with the Rules of Christian Practice, I could wish to God it were true also: But if neither of these be the Case, if the two Requisites, Prevention, and Lawfulness be wanting; I believe I may venture to affirm, that the most learned and judicious among the Professors of Physick will never give into so destructive a Scheme. And I hope the Time is coming, that these Venefici, these Spreaders of Infection, will be distinguished from those of the Faculty, who deserve Honour, and not permitted to mingle with them, as the Devil among the Sons of God, lest like the Disease-Giving Practitioner, the Harlot whom Solomon describes, they entice us, till a Dart strike through our Liver, and we haste to their Snare, not knowing that it is for our Life. Besides, I cannot apprehend how it conduces to the Preservation of Mankind, to force a dangerous Distemper upon them, which possibly may never happen unto them, and if it should, may probably be attended with very little, if any Inconvenience; and as before has been hinted, is no Sucurity against future Contagion. This is unequally to stake a Substance against a Shadow, to make Men run into a real Danger, lest they should happen to fall into an accidental One, and contributes no more to the Preservation of Mankind, than it would redound to the Honour of a well provided City, to invite the Enemy and surrender now, for fear lest sometime hence, they should possibly be surpris'd and taken.

2. The good of mankind, the seeking whereof is one of the fundamental laws of nature, is, I know, pleaded in defense of the practice I contend against. But I must profess myself at a loss to find or understand how that has been, or can be, promoted hereby. For if by good be meant the preservation of life, it is in the first place a question whether life be a good, or not. But if it be, the preservation of it will be found as little beholden to this practice as any other invention whatsoever. The confessed miscarriages in this new method are more than have happened in the ordinary way. And if this be our case now, how much worse must it needs prove, if God, for our presumption and contemptuous distrust of his good Providence, should suffer this delusion to gain ground, and these physicians of no value, these forgers of lies (as Job expresses it), to obtain and grow into credit among us! Such I fear they may be accounted who so confidently tell us what is impossible for them to know: namely, that they who undergo their experiment are forever thereby secured from any future danger and infection. This is a bold assertion indeed, and if such experiment were lawful, and consistent with the rules of Christian practice, I could wish to God it were true also. But if neither of these be the case, if the two requisites, prevention and lawfulness, be wanting, I believe I may venture to affirm that the most learned and judicious among the professors of physic will never give into so destructive a scheme. And I hope the time is coming that these venefici, these spreaders of infection, will be distinguished from those of the faculty who deserve honor, and not permitted to mingle with them, as the Devil among the sons of God, lest, like the disease-giving practitioner, the harlot whom Solomon describes, they entice us, till a dart strike through our liver, and we haste to their snare, not knowing that it is for our life. Besides, I cannot apprehend how it conduces to the preservation of mankind to force a dangerous distemper upon them which possibly may never happen unto them, and if it should, may probably be attended with very little, if any, inconvenience, and, as before has been hinted, is no security against future contagion. This is unequally to stake a substance against a shadow, to make men run into a real danger lest they should happen to fall into an accidental one, and contributes no more to the preservation of mankind than it would redound to the honor of a well-provided city to invite the enemy and surrender now, for fear lest sometime hence they should possibly be surprised and taken.

The contagion after the second week in September, spared no rank of citizens. Whole families were confined by it. There was a deficiency of nurses for the sick, and many of those who were employed were unqualified for their business. There was likewise a great deficiency of physicians from the desertion of some, and the sickness and death of others. At one time, there were only three physicians who were able to do business out of their houses, and at this time, there were probably not less than 6,000 persons ill with the fever.

The contagion, after the second week in September, spared no rank of citizens. Whole families were confined by it. There was a deficiency of nurses for the sick, and many of those who were employed were unqualified for their business. There was likewise a great deficiency of physicians from the desertion of some, and the sickness and death of others. At one time there were only three physicians who were able to do business out of their houses, and at this time, there were probably not less than 6,000 persons ill with the fever.

Many were almost incessantly purifying, scouring, and whitewashing their rooms. Those who ventured abroad, had handkerchiefs or sponges impregnated with vinegar or camphor at their noses, or else smelling bottles with the thieves' vinegar. Others carried pieces of tarred rope in their hands or pockets, or camphor bags tied round their necks. The corpses of the most respectable citizens, even of those who did not die of the epidemic, were carried to the grave, on the shafts of a chair, the horse driven by a negro, unattended by a friend or relation, and without any sort of ceremony. People hastily shifted their course at the sight of a hearse coming towards them. Many never walked on the foot path, but went into the middle of the streets, to avoid being infected in passing by houses wherein people had died. Acquaintances and friends avoided each other in the streets, and only signified their regard by a cold nod. The old custom of shaking hands fell into such general disuse, that many were affronted at even the offer of the hand. A person with a crape, or any appearance of mourning, was shunned like a viper. And many valued themselves highly on the skill and address with which they got to windward of every person they met. Indeed it is not probable that London, at the last stage of the plague, exhibited stronger marks of terror, than were to be seen in Philadelphia, from the 25th or 26th of August till pretty late in September. When people summoned up resolution to walk abroad, and take the air, the sick cart conveying patients to the hospital, or the hearse carrying the dead to the grave, which were travelling almost the whole day, soon damped their spirits, and plunged them again into despondency.

Many were almost incessantly purifying, scouring, and whitewashing their rooms. Those who ventured abroad had handkerchiefs or sponges impregnated with vinegar or camphor at their noses, or else smelling bottles with the thieves’ vinegar. Others carried pieces of tarred rope in their hands or pockets, or camphor bags tied round their necks. The corpses of the most respectable citizens, even of those who did not die of the epidemic, were carried to the grave on the shafts of a chair, the horse driven by a negro, unattended by a friend or relation, and without any sort of ceremony. People hastily shifted their course at the sight of a hearse coming toward them. Many never walked on the footpath, but went into the middle of the streets, to avoid being infected in passing by houses wherein people had died. Acquaintances and friends avoided each other in the streets, and only signified their regard by a cold nod. The old custom of shaking hands fell into such general disuse that many were affronted at even the offer of the hand. A person with a crape, or any appearance of mourning, was shunned like a viper. And many valued themselves highly on the skill and address with which they got to windward of every person they met. Indeed it is not probable that London, at the last stage of the plague, exhibited stronger marks of terror than were to be seen in Philadelphia from the 25th or 26th of August till pretty late in September. When people summoned up resolution to walk abroad and take the air, the sick cart conveying patients to the hospital, or the hearse carrying the dead to the grave, which were traveling almost the whole day, soon damped their spirits, and plunged them again into despondency.

In November, when I returned to the city and found it repeopled, the common topic of conversation could be no other than this unhappy occurrence; the public journals were engrossed by it, and related many examples of calamitous suffering. One of these took place on the property adjacent to my father's. The respectable owner, counting upon the comparative security of his remote residence from the heart of the town, ventured to brave the disorder, and fortunately escaped its attack. He told me that in the height of the sickness, when death was sweeping away its hundreds a week, a man applied to him for leave to sleep one night on the stable floor. The gentleman, like every one else, inspired with fear and caution, hesitated. The stranger pressed his request, assuring him that he had avoided the infected parts of the city, that his health was very good, and promised to go away at sunrise the next day. Under these circumstances he admitted him into his stable for that night. At peep of day the gentleman went to see if the man was gone. On opening the door he found him lying on the floor delirious and in a burning fever. Fearful of alarming his family, he kept it a secret from them, and went to the committee of health to ask to have the man removed.

In November, when I returned to the city and found it repeopled, the common topic of conversation could be no other than this unhappy occurrence; the public journals were engrossed by it, and related many examples of calamitous suffering. One of these took place on the property adjacent to my father’s. The respectable owner, counting upon the comparative security of his remote residence from the heart of the town, ventured to brave the disorder, and fortunately escaped its attack. He told me that in the height of the sickness, when death was sweeping away its hundreds a week, a man applied to him for leave to sleep one night on the stable floor. The gentleman, like everyone else, inspired with fear and caution, hesitated. The stranger pressed his request, assuring him that he had avoided the infected parts of the city, that his health was very good, and promised to go away at sunrise the next day. Under these circumstances he admitted him into his stable for that night. At peep of day the gentleman went to see if the man was gone. On opening the door he found him lying on the floor delirious and in a burning fever. Fearful of alarming his family, he kept it a secret from them, and went to the committee of health to ask to have the man removed.

The ship will at all times be a home, where the excursionists, if sick, will be surrounded by kind friends, and have all possible comfort and sympathy. Should contagious sickness exist in any of the ports named in the programme, such ports will be passed, and others of interest substituted. The price of passage is fixed at $1,250, currency, for each adult passenger. Choice of rooms and of seats at the tables apportioned in the order in which passages are engaged, and no passage considered engaged until ten per cent. of the passage money is deposited with the treasurer.

The ship will at all times be a home, where the excursionists, if sick, will be surrounded by kind friends, and have all possible comfort and sympathy. Should contagious sickness exist in any of the ports named in the program, those ports will be passed, and others of interest substituted. The price of passage is fixed at $1,250, currency, for each adult passenger. Choice of rooms and of seats at the tables will be given in the order in which passages are booked. No passage is considered booked until 10 percent of the passage money is deposited with the treasurer.

What was there lacking about that programme, to make it perfectly irresistible? Nothing, that any finite mind could discover. Paris, England, Scotland, Switzerland, Italy — Garibaldi! The Grecian archipelago! Vesuvius! Constantinople! Smyrna! The Holy Land! Egypt and “our friends the Bermudians!” People in Europe desiring to join the Excursion — contagious sickness to be avoided — boating at the expense of the ship — physician on board — the circuit of the globe to be made if the passengers unanimously desired it — the company to be rigidly selected by a pitiless “Committee on Applications” — the vessel to be as rigidly selected by as pitiless a “Committee on Selecting Steamer.” Human nature could not withstand these bewildering temptations. I hurried to the Treasurer's office and deposited my ten per cent. I rejoiced to know that a few vacant state-rooms were still left. I did avoid a critical personal examination into my character, by that bowelless committee, but I referred to all the people of high standing I could think of in the community who would be least likely to know any thing about me.

What was there lacking about that program, to make it perfectly irresistible? Nothing that any finite mind could discover. Paris, England, Scotland, Switzerland, Italy—Garibaldi! The Grecian archipelago! Vesuvius! Constantinople! Smyrna! The Holy Land! Egypt and “our friends the Bermudians!” People in Europe wanting to join the excursion. Contagious sickness to be avoided. Boating at the expense of the ship. Physician on board. The circuit of the globe to be made if the passengers unanimously desired it. The company to be rigidly selected by a pitiless “Committee on Applications.” The vessel to be as rigidly selected by as pitiless a “Committee on Selecting Steamer.” Human nature could not withstand these bewildering temptations. I hurried to the treasurer's office and deposited my 10 percent. I rejoiced to know that a few vacant staterooms were still left. I did avoid a critical personal examination into my character by that heartless committee. But I named as references all the people of high standing I could think of in the community who would be least likely to know anything about me.

The disease now occurring in this country and called “Spanish Influenza” resembles a very contagious kind of “cold” accompanied by fever, pains in the head, eyes, ears, back or other parts of the body, and a feeling of severe sickness. In most of the cases the symptoms disappear after three or four days, the patient then rapidly recovering; some of the patients, however, develop pneumonia, or inflammation of the ear, or meningitis, and many of these complicated cases die. Whether this so-called “Spanish” influenza is identical with the epidemics of influenza of earlier years is not yet known.

The disease now occurring in this country and called “Spanish Influenza” resembles a very contagious kind of “cold” accompanied by fever, pains in the head, eyes, ears, back or other parts of the body, and a feeling of severe sickness. In most of the cases the symptoms disappear after three or four days, the patient then rapidly recovering; some of the patients, however, develop pneumonia, or inflammation of the ear, or meningitis, and many of these complicated cases die. Whether this so-called “Spanish” influenza is identical with the epidemics of influenza of earlier years is not yet known.

No matter what particular kind of germ causes the epidemic, it is now believed that influenza is always spread from person to person, the germs being carried with the air along with the very small droplets of mucus, expelled by coughing or sneezing, forceful talking, and the like by one who already has the germs of the disease. They may also be carried about in the air in the form of dust coming from dried mucus, from coughing and sneezing, or from careless people who spit on the floor and on the sidewalk. As in most other catching diseases, a person who has only a mild attack of the disease himself may give a very severe attack to others.

No matter what particular kind of germ causes the epidemic, it is now believed that influenza is always spread from person to person, the germs being carried with the air along with the very small droplets of mucus, expelled by coughing or sneezing, forceful talking, and the like by one who already has the germs of the disease. They may also be carried about in the air in the form of dust coming from dried mucus, from coughing and sneezing, or from careless people who spit on the floor and on the sidewalk. As in most other catching diseases, a person who has only a mild attack of the disease himself may give a very severe attack to others.

「病気を怖れないで、伝染の危険を冒すなどと云うことは、それは野蛮人の勇気だよ。病気を怖れて伝染の危険を絶対に避けると云う方が、文明人としての勇気だよ。誰も、もうマスクを掛けて居ないときに、マスクを掛けて居るのは変なものだよ。が、それは臆病でなくして、文明人としての勇気だと思うよ。」

“To have no fear of illness and run the risk of infection—that’s the courage of a savage. To fear illness and avoid every risk of infection is the courage of a civilized man. I know it looks odd to wear a mask when no one else does anymore. But I think that’s not cowardice. It’s the courage of a civilized man.”