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Ideas

Rich and poor

Wealth, poverty and rank: whether an epidemic struck rich and poor alike, and how money and standing shaped who was helped, served or welcomed.

The Plague at Athens, and Pericles Answers the Athenians

Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, Book 2 (sections 47–65) · after 430 BCE (events of 430–429 BCE)

2.53.1

πρῶτόν τε ἦρξε καὶ ἐς τἆλλα τῇ πόλει ἐπὶ πλέον ἀνομίας τὸ νόσημα. ῥᾷον γὰρ ἐτόλμα τις ἃ πρότερον ἀπεκρύπτετο μὴ καθ’ ἡδονὴν ποιεῖν, ἀγχίστροφον τὴν μεταβολὴν ὁρῶντες τῶν τε εὐδαιμόνων καὶ αἰφνιδίως θνῃσκόντων καὶ τῶν οὐδὲν πρότερον κεκτημένων, εὐθὺς δὲ τἀκείνων ἐχόντων.

In other ways, too, the sickness was the beginning of greater lawlessness in the city. People now dared more readily to do openly the things they had once done for pleasure only in secret. They saw how quickly fortune could change: the rich died suddenly, and people who had owned nothing at once had all that was theirs.

Discourse on Epidemic Qi, and a Brother's Letter

Cao Zhi and Cao Pi, quoted in the Taiping yulan (Imperial Readings of the Taiping Era), chapter 742 · 217 or soon after (the essay, on the epidemic of Jian'an 22); 218 (Cao Pi's letter)

[5]

夫罹此者悉被褐茹藿之子荆室蓬戶之人耳

But everyone it struck was someone who wore coarse cloth and ate bean leaves, someone who lived in a hut of thorn branches behind a door of woven brush.

[6]

若夫殿處鼎食之家重貂累蓐之門若是者鮮焉

As for the families who lived in great halls and ate from cauldrons, the households with layers of sable furs and piles of bedding, few such families were among the sick.

The Plague as a Test: A Bishop's Sermon at Carthage

Cyprian, "On the Mortality" (De mortalitate), sections 8–20 · c. 252–253 (during the epidemic at Carthage)

16.1

Quid deinde illud, fratres dilectissimi, quale est, quam pertinens, quam necessarium, quod pestis ista et lues quae horribilis et feralis uidetur explorat iustitiam singulorum et mentes humani generis examinat, an infirmis seruiant sani, an propinqui cognatos pie diligant, an misereantur seruorum languentium domini, an deprecantes aegros non deserant medici, an feroces uiolentiam suam conprimant, an rapaces auaritiae furentis insatiabilem semper ardorem uel metu mortis extinguant, an ceruicem flectant superbi, an audaciam leniant inprobi, an pereuntibus caris uel sic aliquid diuites largiantur et donent sine herede morituri.

And then, dearest brothers, think what this means: how fitting it is, how necessary. This plague and pestilence, which seems so terrible and deadly, searches out the justice of each person and tests the minds of humankind. It asks whether the healthy serve the sick, whether relatives truly love their own family, and whether masters pity their sick slaves. It asks whether doctors stand by the sick who beg for their help, and whether the fierce hold back their violence. It asks whether the greedy, at least for fear of death, will put out the fire of their raging greed, which nothing ever satisfies. It asks whether the proud will bend their necks and the shameless will tame their boldness. And it asks whether the rich, at least now, as their loved ones die and they face death without heirs, will give something away.

Receive every guest as Christ

Benedict of Nursia, Rule for Monks, chapter 53 (written about 530–547), in the edition of Eduard Wölfflin (1895) · written about 530–547

53.5

Pauperum et peregrinorum maxime susceptioni cura sollicite exhibeatur, quia in ipsis magis Christus suscipitur; Nam divitum terror ipse sibi exigit honorem.

Take the greatest care in receiving the poor and pilgrims, because in them Christ is received all the more. As for the rich, the awe they inspire wins them honor all by itself.

The Plague at Constantinople

Procopius, History of the Wars, Book 2 (chapters 22–23) · c. 550 (events of 542; Books 1–7 made public in 551 at the earliest)

2.23.4

δοῦλοί τε γὰρ ἔμειναν δεσποτῶν ἔρημοι, ἄνδρες τε τὰ πρότερα λίαν εὐδαίμονες τῆς τῶν οἰκετῶν ὑπουργίας ἢ νοσούντων ἢ τετελευτηκότων ἐστέρηντο, πολλαί τε οἰκίαι παντάπασιν ἔρημοι ἀνθρώπων ἐγένοντο.

Slaves were left without masters. Men who had once been very rich lost the service of their household servants, who had fallen sick or died. Many houses were left completely empty of people.

The Great Epidemic of 735–737

Court historians, Chronicles of Japan, Continued (Shoku Nihongi), Book 12 · 735–737 (entries); compiled by 797

27

是年春。疫瘡大発。初自筑紫来。経夏渉秋。公卿以下天下百姓。相継没死不可勝計。近代以来、未之有也。

In the spring of this year the epidemic sores broke out on a great scale. They came first from Tsukushi [Kyushu]. Through the summer and on into autumn, from the high nobles down to the common people of the realm, people died one after another, more than could be counted. Nothing like it had happened in recent times.

To Himself, in the Plague Year

Petrarch, Letters in Verse 1.14, “To Himself,” edited by Domenico Rossetti (1831) · 1348

2

Funera crebra quidem, quocunque paventia flecto
Lumina, conturbant aciem: perplexa feretris
Templa gemunt, passimque simul sine honore cadaver
Nobile plebeiumque iacet. Subit ultima vitae
Hora animum; casusque meos meminisse coactus,
Heu! charos abiisse greges, et amica retracto
Colloquia, et dulces subito vanescere vultus,
Telluremque sacram assiduis non deesse sepulchris.

Wherever I turn my frightened eyes, funeral after funeral troubles my sight. The churches groan, crowded with coffins. Everywhere the bodies of nobles and commoners lie together, without honor. The last hour of life comes into my mind. I am forced to remember what has befallen me. Alas, I think of the dear company of friends now gone, of our friendly talks, of beloved faces suddenly vanishing, and of the holy ground that never lacks new graves.

After the Mortality: Florence, 1348

Matteo Villani, Chronicle, book 1, edited by Francesco Gherardi Dragomanni (1846) · begun soon after 1348 (events of 1346–1350)

11

Nella nostra città cominciò generale all’entrare del mese d’aprile gli anni Domini 1348, e durò fino al cominciamento del mese di settembre del detto anno. E morì tra nella città, contado e distretto di Firenze, d’ogni sesso e di catuna età de’ cinque i tre, e più, compensando il minuto popolo e i mezzani e’ maggiori, perchè alquanto fu più menomato, perchè cominciò prima, ed ebbe meno aiuto, e più disagi e difetti. E nel generale per tutto il mondo mancò la generazione umana per simigliante numero e modo, secondo le novelle che avemmo di molti paesi strani, e di molte provincie del mondo. Ben furono provincie nel Levante dove vie più ne morire.

In our city it became general at the start of April in the year of the Lord 1348, and lasted until the beginning of September of that year. In the city, the countryside, and the district of Florence, three out of every five people died, and more, of every sex and age. That is counting the common people, the middle sort, and the great together. The common people lost somewhat more, because it began among them earlier, and they had less help and more hardships and wants. Generally throughout the world, people died in similar numbers and ways, according to the news we had from many foreign countries and many lands. There were indeed lands in the East where far more died.

The Plague in the Bishop of Rochester’s Household

William Dene (attributed), History of the Church of Rochester, printed in Henry Wharton’s Anglia Sacra (1691) · soon after the events of 1348–1349

15

Praeterea in Monasterio Roffensi tanta fuit victualium inopia, quòd Monachi ad triturandum panem suum sunt coacti. Prior tamen omnibus bonis abundabat.

Besides this, food was so short in the monastery at Rochester that the monks were forced to thresh the grain for their own bread. The prior, however, had plenty of everything.

The Pestilence Comes to Florence, 1348

Giovanni Boccaccio, The Decameron, Introduction to the First Day, edited by Pietro Fanfani (1888) · about 1349–1353 (events of 1348)

18

Della minuta gente, e forse in gran parte della mezzana, era il ragguardamento di molto maggior miseria pieno: per ciò che essi il più, o da speranza o da povertà ritenuti nelle lor case, nelle lor vicinanze standosi, a migliaja per giorno infermavano; e, non essendo né serviti né atati d'alcuna cosa, quasi senza alcuna redenzione tutti morivano.

The sight of the common people, and perhaps of most of the middle sort, was far more miserable. Most of them stayed in their houses and neighborhoods, held there by hope or by poverty. They fell sick by the thousands every day. No one served them or helped them in any way, and almost all of them died, with nothing to save them.

A London Diary of the Plague Year, 1665

Samuel Pepys, Diary, 1665, edited by Henry B. Wheatley (1893–99) · June 7–December 31, 1665

1665-07-18

I was much troubled this day to hear at Westminster how the officers do bury the dead in the open Tuttle-fields, pretending want of room elsewhere; whereas the New Chappell churchyard was walled-in at the publick charge in the last plague time, merely for want of room and now none, but such as are able to pay dear for it, can be buried there.

I was much troubled this day to hear at Westminster how the officers do bury the dead in the open Tuttle Fields, pretending want of room elsewhere; whereas the New Chapel churchyard was walled in at the public charge in the last plague time, merely for want of room, and now none but such as are able to pay dear for it can be buried there.

1665-08-31

Thus this month ends with great sadness upon the publick, through the greatness of the plague every where through the kingdom almost. Every day sadder and sadder news of its encrease. In the City died this week 7,496 and of them 6,102 of the plague. But it is feared that the true number of the dead, this week is near 10,000; partly from the poor that cannot be taken notice of, through the greatness of the number, and partly from the Quakers and others that will not have any bell ring for them.

Thus this month ends with great sadness upon the public, through the greatness of the plague everywhere through the kingdom almost. Every day sadder and sadder news of its increase. In the City died this week 7,496, and of them 6,102 of the plague. But it is feared that the true number of the dead this week is near 10,000: partly from the poor that cannot be taken notice of, through the greatness of the number, and partly from the Quakers and others that will not have any bell ring for them.

Taking the waters at Bath

Celia Fiennes, on the baths at Bath, from the journal of her travels written up about 1702 (first printed 1888) · an undated visit before 1702, perhaps on one of her early journeys; written up about 1702; first printed 1888

5

The Ladyes goes into the bath with Garments made of a fine yellow canvas, which is stiff and made large with great sleeves like a parsons gown; the water fills it up so that its borne off that your shape is not seen, it does not cling close as other linning, which Look'es sadly in the poorer sort that go in their own linning. The Gentlemen have drawers and wastcoates of the same sort of canvas, this is the best linning, for the bathwater will Change any other yellow.

The ladies go into the bath in garments made of a fine yellow canvas, which is stiff and made large, with great sleeves like a parson's gown. The water fills it up, so that it is held out and your shape is not seen. It does not cling close as other linen does, which looks bad on the poorer sort, who go in wearing their own linen. The gentlemen have drawers and waistcoats of the same sort of canvas. This is the best linen, for the bath water will turn any other yellow.

The Yellow Fever in Philadelphia, 1793

Benjamin Rush, An Account of the Bilious Remitting Yellow Fever (Philadelphia, 1794) · 1794 (events of 1793)

2

The poor were the first victims of the fever. From the sudden interruption of business, they suffered for a while from poverty, as well as disease. A large and airy house at Bush-hill about a mile from the city, was opened for their reception. This house, after it became the charge of a committee appointed by the citizens on the 14th of September, was regulated and governed with the order and cleanliness of an old and established hospital. An American and French physician had the exclusive medical care of it after the 22d of September.

The poor were the first victims of the fever. From the sudden interruption of business, they suffered for a while from poverty, as well as disease. A large and airy house at Bush Hill, about a mile from the city, was opened for their reception. This house, after it became the charge of a committee appointed by the citizens on September 14, was regulated and governed with the order and cleanliness of an old and established hospital. An American and French physician had the exclusive medical care of it after September 22.

We Have Seen More Humanity: An Answer to Carey

Absalom Jones and Richard Allen, A Narrative of the Proceedings of the Black People, during the Late Awful Calamity in Philadelphia (1794) · January 1794 (events of August–November 1793)

6

[...] We can with certainty assure the public that we have seen more humanity, more real sensibility from the poor blacks, than from the poor whites. When many of the former, of their own accord rendered services where extreme necessity called for it, the general part of the poor white people were so dismayed, that instead of attempting to be useful, they in a manner hid themselves—a remarkable instance of this—A poor afflicted dying man, stood at his chamber window, praying and beseeching every one that passed by, to help him to a drink of water; a number of white people passed, and instead of being moved by the poor man's distress, they hurried as fast as they could out of the sound of his cries — until at length a gentleman, who seemed to be a foreigner came up, he could not pass by, but had not resolution enough to go into the house, he held eight dollars in his hand, and offered it to several as a reward for giving the poor man a drink of water, but was refused by every one, until a poor black man came up, the gentleman offered the eight dollars to him, if he would relieve the poor man with a little water, "Master" replied the good natured fellow, "I will supply the gentleman with water, but surely I will not take your money for it" nor could he be prevailed upon to accept his bounty: he went in, supplied the poor object with water, and rendered him every service he could.

We can with certainty assure the public that we have seen more humanity, more real sensibility from the poor blacks than from the poor whites. When many of the former, of their own accord, rendered services where extreme necessity called for it, the general part of the poor white people were so dismayed that, instead of attempting to be useful, they in a manner hid themselves. A remarkable instance of this: a poor afflicted dying man stood at his chamber window, praying and beseeching everyone that passed by to help him to a drink of water. A number of white people passed, and instead of being moved by the poor man’s distress, they hurried as fast as they could out of the sound of his cries, until at length a gentleman, who seemed to be a foreigner, came up. He could not pass by, but had not resolution enough to go into the house. He held eight dollars in his hand, and offered it to several as a reward for giving the poor man a drink of water, but was refused by everyone, until a poor black man came up. The gentleman offered the eight dollars to him if he would relieve the poor man with a little water. “Master,” replied the good-natured fellow, “I will supply the gentleman with water, but surely I will not take your money for it.” Nor could he be prevailed upon to accept his bounty. He went in, supplied the poor object with water, and rendered him every service he could.

On restaurants, Paris, 1825

Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin, The Physiology of Taste, Meditation 28 (first published December 1825), in the Flammarion edition of 1879 · published December 1825 (looking back to about 1770)

139.6

Avant l'époque dont nous avons parlé (1770), les gens riches et puissants jouissaient presque exclusivement de deux grands avantages : ils voyageaient avec rapidité et faisaient constamment bonne chère.

Before the time we spoke of (1770), the rich and powerful had two great privileges almost to themselves: they traveled fast, and they always ate well.

Remembering the Yellow Fever of 1793

Samuel Breck, Recollections, edited by H. E. Scudder (Philadelphia, 1877) · written 1830 or later (events of 1793); published 1877

2

The horrors of this memorable affliction were extensive and heart-rending. Nor were they softened by professional skill. The disorder was in a great measure a stranger to our climate, and was awkwardly treated. Its rapid march, being from ten victims a day in August to one hundred a day in October, terrified the physicians, and led them into contradictory modes of treatment. They, as well as the guardians of the city, were taken by surprise. No hospitals or hospital stores were in readiness to alleviate the sufferings of the poor. For a long time nothing could be done other than to furnish coffins for the dead and men to bury them. At length a large house in the neighborhood was appropriately fitted up for the reception of patients, and a few pre-eminent philanthropists volunteered to superintend it. At the head of them was Stephen Girard, who has since become the richest man in America.

The horrors of this memorable affliction were extensive and heart-rending. Nor were they softened by professional skill. The disorder was in a great measure a stranger to our climate, and was awkwardly treated. Its rapid march, being from ten victims a day in August to one hundred a day in October, terrified the physicians, and led them into contradictory modes of treatment. They, as well as the guardians of the city, were taken by surprise. No hospitals or hospital stores were in readiness to alleviate the sufferings of the poor. For a long time nothing could be done other than to furnish coffins for the dead and men to bury them. At length a large house in the neighborhood was appropriately fitted up for the reception of patients, and a few preeminent philanthropists volunteered to superintend it. At the head of them was Stephen Girard, who has since become the richest man in America.

3

In private families the parents, the children, the domestics lingered and died, frequently without assistance. The wealthy soon fled; the fearless or indifferent remained from choice, the poor from necessity. The inhabitants were reduced thus to one-half their number, yet the malignant action of the disease increased, so that those who were in health one day were buried the next. The burning fever occasioned paroxysms of rage which drove the patient naked from his bed to the street, and in some instances to the river, where he was drowned. Insanity was often the last stage of its horrors.

In private families the parents, the children, the domestics lingered and died, frequently without assistance. The wealthy soon fled; the fearless or indifferent remained from choice, the poor from necessity. The inhabitants were reduced thus to one half their number, yet the malignant action of the disease increased, so that those who were in health one day were buried the next. The burning fever occasioned paroxysms of rage which drove the patient naked from his bed to the street, and in some instances to the river, where he was drowned. Insanity was often the last stage of its horrors.