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Ideas

Doctors and healers

Doctors, surgeons and other healers: what the writers say they could and could not do.

The Plague at Athens, and Pericles Answers the Athenians

Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, Book 2 (sections 47–65) · after 430 BCE (events of 430–429 BCE)

2.47.4

οὔτε γὰρ ἰατροὶ ἤρκουν τὸ πρῶτον θεραπεύοντες ἀγνοίᾳ, ἀλλ’ αὐτοὶ μάλιστα ἔθνῃσκον ὅσῳ καὶ μάλιστα προσῇσαν, οὔτε ἄλλη ἀνθρωπεία τέχνη οὐδεμία· ὅσα τε πρὸς ἱεροῖς ἱκέτευσαν ἢ μαντείοις καὶ τοῖς τοιούτοις ἐχρήσαντο, πάντα ἀνωφελῆ ἦν, τελευτῶντές τε αὐτῶν ἀπέστησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ κακοῦ νικώμενοι.

At first the doctors were helpless. They were treating a disease they did not know, and they themselves died in the greatest numbers, because they came closest to the sick. No other human skill did any good either. People prayed at the temples, consulted oracles, and tried everything else of the kind, but nothing worked. In the end, overwhelmed by the disaster, they gave it all up.

2.48.3

λεγέτω μὲν οὖν περὶ αὐτοῦ ὡς ἕκαστος γιγνώσκει καὶ ἰατρὸς καὶ ἰδιώτης, ἀφ’ ὅτου εἰκὸς ἦν γενέσθαι αὐτό, καὶ τὰς αἰτίας ἅστινας νομίζει τοσαύτης μεταβολῆς ἱκανὰς εἶναι δύναμιν ἐς τὸ μεταστῆσαι σχεῖν· ἐγὼ δὲ οἷόν τε ἐγίγνετο λέξω, καὶ ἀφ’ ὧν ἄν τις σκοπῶν, εἴ ποτε καὶ αὖθις ἐπιπέσοι, μάλιστ’ ἂν ἔχοι τι προειδὼς μὴ ἀγνοεῖν, ταῦτα δηλώσω αὐτός τε νοσήσας καὶ αὐτὸς ἰδὼν ἄλλους πάσχοντας.

Let each person, doctor or layman, give his own opinion about where it probably came from, and what causes could have been powerful enough to bring about so great a change. I will describe what it was like, and set down the signs that would let anyone who studies them recognize it if it ever strikes again. I can do this because I had the sickness myself and watched others suffer from it.

2.49.3

ἔπειτα ἐξ αὐτῶν πταρμὸς καὶ βράγχος ἐπεγίγνετο, καὶ ἐν οὐ πολλῷ χρόνῳ κατέβαινεν ἐς τὰ στήθη ὁ πόνος μετὰ βηχὸς ἰσχυροῦ· καὶ ὁπότε ἐς τὴν καρδίαν στηρίξειεν, ἀνέστρεφέ τε αὐτὴν καὶ ἀποκαθάρσεις χολῆς πᾶσαι ὅσαι ὑπὸ ἰατρῶν ὠνομασμέναι εἰσὶν ἐπῇσαν, καὶ αὗται μετὰ ταλαιπωρίας μεγάλης.

Next came sneezing and hoarseness, and soon the pain moved down into the chest with a hard cough. When it settled in the stomach, it turned the stomach over. Then came vomiting of every kind of bile the doctors have names for, all of it in great agony.

The Plague at My Country House, and a Life for a Life

Aelius Aristides, Sacred Tales II and V · early 170s CE (plague events of the mid-160s, probably 165 or 166)

B7

ἰατροὶ δὲ ἐφοίτων ἐξ ἄστεος καὶ τοῖς ἀκολούθοις αὐτῶν ἐχρώμεθα διακόνοις, οἱ δέ τινες καὶ αὐτοὶ προσεδρεύοντες ἀντὶ διακόνων ἦσαν.

Doctors came out from the city. We used their attendants as our servants, and some of the doctors themselves sat by us and did the servants' work.

B11

καὶ οἱ ἰατροὶ ἀφίσταντο καὶ τελευτῶντες ἀπέγνωσαν παντάπασι, καὶ διηγγέλθη ὡς οἰχησομένου αὐτίκα.

The doctors stepped back and finally gave up all hope, and word went out that I would die at any moment.

C2

κἀκείνῃ μὲν ἰατρὸν ἔπεμπον, αὐτὸς δὲ, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα παρέσχεν, εἰχόμην τῆς ὁδοῦ.

I sent her a doctor, and as soon as I could, I set out on my journey myself.

Preface to the Treatise on Cold Damage

Zhang Zhongjing, Treatise on Cold Damage and Miscellaneous Diseases, preface · c. 200–206 (within ten years of the start of the Jian'an era, 196)

[2]

怪當今居世之士曽不留神醫藥精究方術上以療君親之疾下以救貧賤之厄中以保身長全以養其生

It amazes me that the learned men of our time pay no attention to medicine and never study its methods with care. With medicine they could treat the illnesses of their rulers and parents above them and rescue the poor and humble from hardship below them. In between, they could keep themselves safe and whole for many years, and so care for their own lives.

[6]

賫百年之壽命持至貴之重器委付凡醫恣其所措

They carry a life that could last a hundred years and hold the most precious vessel there is, and they hand it all over to some ordinary doctor to do with as he pleases.

[18]

觀今之醫不念思求經㫖以演其所知各承家技終始順舊

Look at the doctors of today. It never occurs to them to search out the meaning of the classics to widen what they know. Instead, each one simply carries on his family's methods and follows the old ways from start to finish.

The Plague as a Test: A Bishop's Sermon at Carthage

Cyprian, "On the Mortality" (De mortalitate), sections 8–20 · c. 252–253 (during the epidemic at Carthage)

16.1

Quid deinde illud, fratres dilectissimi, quale est, quam pertinens, quam necessarium, quod pestis ista et lues quae horribilis et feralis uidetur explorat iustitiam singulorum et mentes humani generis examinat, an infirmis seruiant sani, an propinqui cognatos pie diligant, an misereantur seruorum languentium domini, an deprecantes aegros non deserant medici, an feroces uiolentiam suam conprimant, an rapaces auaritiae furentis insatiabilem semper ardorem uel metu mortis extinguant, an ceruicem flectant superbi, an audaciam leniant inprobi, an pereuntibus caris uel sic aliquid diuites largiantur et donent sine herede morituri.

And then, dearest brothers, think what this means: how fitting it is, how necessary. This plague and pestilence, which seems so terrible and deadly, searches out the justice of each person and tests the minds of humankind. It asks whether the healthy serve the sick, whether relatives truly love their own family, and whether masters pity their sick slaves. It asks whether doctors stand by the sick who beg for their help, and whether the fierce hold back their violence. It asks whether the greedy, at least for fear of death, will put out the fire of their raging greed, which nothing ever satisfies. It asks whether the proud will bend their necks and the shameless will tame their boldness. And it asks whether the rich, at least now, as their loved ones die and they face death without heirs, will give something away.

The Plague at Constantinople

Procopius, History of the Wars, Book 2 (chapters 22–23) · c. 550 (events of 542; Books 1–7 made public in 551 at the earliest)

2.22.16

καὶ τὸ μὲν σῶμα οὔτε τι διήλλασσε τῆς προτέρας χροιᾶς οὔτε θερμὸν ἦν, ἅτε πυρετοῦ ἐπιπεσόντος, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ φλόγωσις ἐπεγίνετο, ἀλλ’ οὕτως ἀβληχρός τις ἐξ ἀρχῆς τε καὶ ἄχρις ἑσπέρας ὁ πυρετὸς ἦν ὥστε μήτε τοῖς νοσοῦσιν αὐτοῖς μήτε ἰατρῷ ἁπτομένῳ δόκησιν κινδύνου παρέχεσθαι.

The body did not change from its usual color. It was not hot, as you would expect when a fever strikes, and there was no inflammation either. From the start until evening the fever was so mild that it gave no hint of danger, either to the sick themselves or to a doctor who touched them.

2.22.23

διὸ δὴ ἅπαντες αὐτοὺς οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ τοὺς πονουμένους ᾠκτίζοντο, οὐχ ὅτι τῷ λοιμῷ ἐπιέζοντο ἐκ τοῦ προσιέναι (οὔτε γὰρ ἰατρῷ οὔτε ἰδιώτῃ μεταλαχεῖν τοῦ κακοῦ τοῦδε τῶν νοσούντων ἢ τῶν τετελευτηκότων ἁπτομένῳ ξυνέβη, ἐπεὶ πολλοὶ μὲν ἀεὶ καὶ τοὺς οὐδὲν σφίσι προσήκοντας ἢ θάπτοντες ἢ θεραπεύοντες ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ ὑπουργίᾳ παρὰ δόξαν ἀντεῖχον, πολλοὶ δὲ τῆς νόσου ἀπροφασίστως αὐτοῖς ἐπιπεσούσης εὐθὺς ἔθνησκον), ἀλλ’ ὅτι ταλαιπωρίᾳ πολλῇ εἴχοντο.

So everyone pitied the nurses as much as the sick. It was not that the nurses caught the plague by coming near the sick. (No doctor or anyone else caught this disease by touching the sick or the dead. Many people who kept burying or nursing even strangers held out in that work against all expectation. Meanwhile, many others fell sick for no visible reason and died at once.) People pitied the nurses because of the great hardship they endured.

2.22.29

Ἀπορούμενοι γοῦν τῶν τινες ἰατρῶν τῇ τῶν ξυμπιπτόντων ἀγνοίᾳ τό τε τῆς νόσου κεφάλαιον ἐν τοῖς βουβῶσιν ἀποκεκρίσθαι οἰόμενοι, διερευνᾶσθαι τῶν τετελευτηκότων τὰ σώματα ἔγνωσαν. καὶ διελόντες τῶν βουβώνων τινάς, ἄνθρακος δεινόν τι χρῆμα ἐμπεφυκὸς εὗρον.

Some of the doctors were baffled, because they did not understand what was happening. Thinking that the heart of the disease lay in the buboes, they decided to examine the bodies of the dead. When they cut open some of the buboes, they found a dreadful carbuncle growing inside.

2.22.32

ἐκεῖνο μέντοι ἀποφήνασθαι ἔχω, ὡς τῶν ἰατρῶν οἱ δοκιμώτατοι πολλοὺς μὲν τεθνήξεσθαι προηγόρευον, οἳ δὴ κακῶν ἀπαθεῖς ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον παρὰ δόξαν ἐγίνοντο, πολλοὺς δὲ ὅτι σωθήσονται ἰσχυρίζοντο, οἳ δὴ διαφθαρήσεσθαι ἔμελλον αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα.

This much, however, I can say for certain. The most respected doctors foretold the death of many people who, soon afterward and against all expectation, were completely free of their troubles. And they promised that many would recover who were in fact about to die almost at once.

I Buried My Five Children with My Own Hands

Agnolo di Tura, Chronicle of Siena, printed in Muratori’s Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, vol. 15 (1729) · 1348 or soon after

5

Qui non valeva Medico, nè medicina, nè riparo alcuno; anco chi più argomento pigliava, più tosto pareva che morisse. E in effetto la mortalità fu tanto oscura, grande, e orribile, che non sarebbe penna, che la potesse scrivere; e trovossi, che moriro in Siena, e ne' Borghi dentro alla Città in questo tempo più di LXXX. mila persone.

Here no doctor, no medicine, and no remedy did any good. The more measures people took, the sooner they seemed to die. In truth the mortality was so dark, so great, and so horrible that no pen could write it down. It was found that more than 80,000 people died in Siena and its suburbs at this time.

After the Mortality: Florence, 1348

Matteo Villani, Chronicle, book 1, edited by Francesco Gherardi Dragomanni (1846) · begun soon after 1348 (events of 1346–1350)

12

Di questa pestifera infermità i medici in catuna parte del mondo, per filosofia naturale, o per tisica, o per arte d’astrologia non ebbono argomento nè vera cura. Alquanti per guadagnare andarono visitando e dando loro argomenti, li quali per la loro morte mostrarono l’arte essere fitta, e non vera: e assai per coscienza lasciarono a ristituire i danari che di ciò aveano presi indebitamente.

Doctors everywhere in the world, whether they relied on natural philosophy, medicine, or astrology, found no remedy or true cure for this deadly sickness. Some went around visiting the sick and giving them remedies to make money. By dying themselves they showed that their art was false and not true. And many, out of conscience, left orders that the money they had wrongly taken for this be paid back.

O Happy People of the Future

Petrarch, Letters on Familiar Matters 8.7, edited by Giuseppe Fracassetti (1859) · 1349

4

Quando hoc posteritas credet fuisse tempus, sine coeli aut telluris incendio, sine bellis aut alia clade visibili, quo non haec pars aut illa terrarum, sed universus fere orbis sine habitatore remanserit? Quando unquam tale aliquid visum aut fando auditum? Quibus hoc unquam annalibus lectum est, vacuas domos, derelictas urbes, squalida rura, arva cadaveribus angusta, horrendam vastamque toto orbe solitudinem? Consule historicos, silent; interroga physicos, obstupescunt; quaere a philosophis, humeros contrahunt, frontem rugant, et digitulo labiis impresso, silentium iubent.

Will the people of the future ever believe that there was a time when, without fire from the sky or the earth, without wars or any other disaster that could be seen, not this part of the world or that, but nearly the whole earth was left without people? When was anything like it ever seen or heard of? In what annals has anyone ever read of empty houses, abandoned cities, neglected farms, fields too small for the dead, and a vast and dreadful loneliness over the whole world? Consult the historians, and they are silent. Ask the doctors, and they are dumbfounded. Ask the philosophers, and they shrug their shoulders, frown, and press a finger to their lips for silence.

The Pestilence Comes to Florence, 1348

Giovanni Boccaccio, The Decameron, Introduction to the First Day, edited by Pietro Fanfani (1888) · about 1349–1353 (events of 1348)

4

A cura delle quali infermità né consiglio di medico, né virtù di medicina alcuna pareva che valesse o facesse profitto: anzi, o che natura del malore nol patisse, o che la ignoranza de' medicanti (de' quali oltre al numero degli scienziati, così di femine come d'uomini, senza avere alcuna dottrina di medicina avuta giammai, era il numero divenuto grandissimo) non conoscesse da che si movesse, e, per conseguente, debito argomento non vi prendesse, non solamente pochi ne guarivano, anzi quasi tutti infra 'l terzo giorno dalla apparizione de' sopraddetti segni, chi più tosto e chi meno, et i più senza alcuna febbre o altro accidente, morivano.

No doctor’s advice and no medicine seemed to help or do any good in curing these illnesses. Perhaps the nature of the disease did not allow a cure. Or perhaps the healers did not know what caused it, and so did not use the right remedy. Besides the trained doctors, there were now a great many such healers, women as well as men, who had never had any training in medicine. In any case, few recovered. Almost all died within three days after the signs appeared, some sooner and some later, and most without any fever or other symptom.

22

Et acciò che dietro ad ogni particularità le nostre passate miserie per la città avvenute più ricercando non vada, dico, che così inimico tempo correndo per quella, non per ciò meno d'alcuna cosa risparmiò il circustante contado, nel quale (lasciando star le castella, che simili erano nella loro piccolezza alla città) per le sparte ville e per gli campi i lavoratori miseri e poveri, e le loro famiglie, senza alcuna fatica di medico o ajuto di servidore, per le vie e per li loro cólti e per le case, di dì e di notte indifferentemente, non come uomini, ma quasi come bestie morieno.

I will not go on searching out every detail of the miseries our city suffered. I will only say that while such hard times ran through the city, they did not spare the surrounding countryside in the least. Leave aside the walled towns, which were like the city on a smaller scale. In the scattered villages and the fields, the wretched, poor farmworkers and their families died with no doctor to treat them and no servant to help. They died on the roads, in their fields, and in their houses, by day and by night alike, not like men but almost like animals.

The Great Mortality in Paris, 1348–1349

Jean de Venette (attributed), Continuation of the Chronicle of William of Nangis, edited by Hercule Géraud (1843) · about 1360 (events of 1348–1349)

3

Unde in eodem anno Parisius et in regno Franciae, et non minus, ut fertur, in diversis mundi partibus, et in sequenti anno, fuit tanta mortalitas hominum utriusque sexus, et magis juvenum quam senum, quod vix poterant sepeliri, et vix ultra duos vel tres dies in infirmitate jacebant, sed subito et quasi sani moriebantur; unde qui hodie erat sanus, cras mortuus, ad foveam portabatur. Habebant enim subito bossas sub assellis vel in inguine, quibus insurgentibus erat infallibile signum mortis; et haec infirmitas seu pestilentia a medicis epidemia vocabatur.

That year in Paris and the kingdom of France, and no less, people say, in many parts of the world, and in the following year, there was such a mortality of men and women, more young than old, that they could hardly be buried. They were seldom sick more than two or three days. They died suddenly, while they seemed almost healthy. Someone healthy today was carried to the grave dead tomorrow. They suddenly got swellings under the armpits or in the groin, and when these rose up, they were a sure sign of death. The doctors called this sickness or pestilence an epidemic.

Recipes from the king's kitchen

The master cooks of King Richard II, The Forme of Cury (about 1390), in the edition of Samuel Pegge (London, 1780) · about 1390, as Pegge dated the roll

preamble

... fome of cury was compiled of the chef Maister Cokes of kyng Richard the Secunde kyng of .nglond aftir the Conquest. the which was acounted þe best and ryallest vyand of alle csten .ynges and it was compiled by assent and avysement of Maisters and phisik and of philosophie þat dwellid in his court. First it techiþ a man for to make commune potages and commune meetis for howshold as þey shold be made craftly and holsomly. Aftirward it techiþ for to make curious potages & meetes and sotiltees for alle maner of States bothe hye and lowe. And the techyng of the forme of making of potages & of meetes bothe of flessh and of fissh. buth y sette here by noumbre and by ordre. sso þis little table here sewyng wole teche a man with oute taryyng: to fynde what meete þat hym lust for to have.

[This] book of cookery was put together by the head cooks of King Richard the Second, king of England after the Conquest. He was counted the best and most royal lover of fine food of all Christian kings. The book was compiled with the agreement and advice of the masters of medicine and philosophy who lived at his court. First it teaches how to make everyday soups and dishes for a household, made skillfully and wholesomely. Then it teaches how to make fancy soups, dishes and subtleties for people of every rank, high and low. The instructions for making soups and dishes, both of meat and of fish, are set out here by number and in order. So the little table that follows will show you at once how to find whatever dish you want.

Winter at Stadacona and the Cedar Cure

Jacques Cartier’s second voyage, Brief récit (Paris, 1545), on the winter of 1535–1536 at Stadacona · events of December 1535 to April 1536; printed 1545

17.3

Tot-après le Capitaine fit faire du breuvage pour faire boire ès malades, desquels n'y en avoit nul d'eux qui voulut icelui essayer, sinon un ou deux qui se mirent en aventure d'icelui essayer. Tot-après qu'ils en eurent bu ils eurent l'avantage, qui se trouva être un vray et évident miracle. Car de toutes maladies de quoy ils estoient entachés, après en avoir bu deux ou trois fois, recouvrèrent santé et guérison ; tellement que tel des Compagnons qui avoit la vérole puis cinq ou six ans auparavant la dite maladie, a esté par la dite médecine curé nettement. Après ce avoir vu, y a une telle presse qu'on se vouloit tuer sur la dite médecine à qui premier en auroit : de sorte qu'un arbre aussi gros et aussi grand que je vis jamais arbre, a esté employé en moins de huit jours; lequel a fait telle opération, que si tous les médecins de Louvain et Montpellier y eussent esté avec toutes les drogues d'Alexandrie, ils n'en eussent pas fait tant en un an, que le dit arbre a fait en huit jours. Car, il nous a tellement profité, que tous ceux qui en ont voulu user ont recouvert santé et guérison ; la grâce à Dieu.

Right away the captain had the drink made for the sick. Not one of them wanted to try it, except one or two who took the risk. The moment they drank it, they felt the good of it, and this turned out to be a true and plain miracle. After two or three drinks they were cured of every sickness they had, and their health came back. One of the companions had had the pox for five or six years before this sickness, and he was cured cleanly by this medicine. After seeing this, the men pressed so hard for the medicine that they nearly killed one another to be first to get some. So a tree as thick and as tall as any tree I ever saw was gone in less than eight days. It worked wonders. If every doctor in Louvain and Montpellier had been there with every drug in Alexandria, they could not have done as much in a year as this tree did in eight days. It did us so much good that everyone who was willing to use it got back health and was cured, thanks be to God.

Maize, Markets and Books in Yucatán

Diego de Landa, Account of the Things of Yucatán (mid-1560s), on trade and farming, and on the Maya books · written in the mid-1560s (describes Maya life before and after the Spanish conquest, as Landa knew it from 1549)

23.1

Que los officios de los indios eran olleros y carpinteros, los quales por hazer los idolos de barro y madera con muchos ayunos y observancias ganavan mucho. Avia tambien cirujanos, o por mejor dezir hechizeros, los quales curavan con yervas y muchas supersticiones, y assi de todos los demas officios.

The Indians' trades were pottery and carpentry. Potters and carpenters earned a great deal by making the idols of clay and wood, which they made with many fasts and rituals. There were also surgeons, or rather sorcerers, who healed with herbs and many superstitions. And so it was with all the other trades.

Bloody Point and the Two Captives

George Best, A True Discourse of the Late Voyages of Discovery (London, 1578), on the second voyage, July–August 1577 · events of August 1–6, 1577; printed 1578

3

The rest by flight escaped among the rockes, saving two women, whereof the one being old and ougly, our men thought she had bin a divell or some witch, and therefore let her go: the other being yong, and combred with a sucking childe at hir backe, hiding herselfe behinde the rocks, was espied by one of oure men, who, supposing she had bin a man, shot through the heare of hir head, and pierced through the child's arme, whereupon she cried out, and was taken, and our surgeon, meaning to heale hir child's arme, applyed salves therunto. But, she not acquainted with such kinde of surgerie, plucked those salves away, and, by continuall licking with hir own tongue, not much unlike our dogges, healed uppe the child's arme.

The rest escaped by flight among the rocks, except two women. One of them was old and ugly, and our men thought she was a devil or some witch, and therefore let her go. The other was young, and burdened with a nursing child at her back. Hiding herself behind the rocks, she was spotted by one of our men, who, supposing she was a man, shot through the hair of her head and pierced the child's arm. At this she cried out, and was taken. Our surgeon, meaning to heal her child's arm, put salves on it. But she, not being used to such surgery, plucked the salves away, and by continual licking with her own tongue, not much unlike our dogs, healed up the child's arm.

The Sickness That Followed the English

Thomas Harriot, A Brief and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia (London, 1588; Frankfurt, 1590), on the colony's year at Roanoke, 1585–1586 · events of 1585–1586; first printed London, dated February 1588 (February 1589 in our calendar); reprinted Frankfurt 1590

10

To confirme this opinion their phisitions to excuse their ignorance in curing the disease, would not be ashemed to say, but earnestly make the simple people beleue, that the strings of blood that they sucked out of the sicke bodies, were the strings wherewithal the inuisible bullets were tied and cast.

Their physicians confirmed this opinion, to excuse their ignorance in curing the disease. They were not ashamed to say [so]. They earnestly made the simple people believe that the strings of blood they sucked out of the sick bodies were the strings by which the invisible bullets were tied and shot.

The Mi'kmaq and the French, and the Sickness among Them

Pierre Biard, Relation de la Nouvelle France (Lyon, 1616), chapter 6, on why the Mi'kmaq were so few · printed 1616 (on what Biard saw and heard in Acadia, 1611–1613)

2

Là dessus ils alambiquent souuent leur cerueau, & tantost ils opinent, que les François les empoisonnent, ce qui est faux: tantost qu'ils donnent du poison aux scelerats, & peruers de leur natiõ, pour s'en seruir à l'exequution de leur malice. Ceste posterieure coniecture n'est pas sans exemple: car nous auons veu du reagal, & du sublimé entre leurs mains, lequel ils disoyent auoir acheté de certains Chirurgiens François, à fin de faire mourir tous ceux qu'il leur plairoit, & se vantoyent l'auoir ja experimenté sur vn captif, lequel (disoyent-ils) estoit mort vn iour apres la prinse.

They often rack their brains over this. Sometimes they believe that the French are poisoning them, which is false. At other times they think the French give poison to the wicked and evil men of their own nation, who use it to carry out their spite. This second guess is not without examples. We have seen realgar and sublimate in their hands. They said they had bought it from certain French surgeons so that they could kill anyone they pleased. They boasted that they had already tried it on a captive, who, they said, died one day after he took it.

A London Diary of the Plague Year, 1665

Samuel Pepys, Diary, 1665, edited by Henry B. Wheatley (1893–99) · June 7–December 31, 1665

1665-10-16

Thence I walked to the Tower; but, Lord! how empty the streets are and melancholy, so many poor sick people in the streets full of sores; and so many sad stories overheard as I walk, every body talking of this dead, and that man sick, and so many in this place, and so many in that. And they tell me that, in Westminster, there is never a physician and but one apothecary left, all being dead; but that there are great hopes of a great decrease this week: God send it!

Thence I walked to the Tower; but, Lord! how empty the streets are, and melancholy, so many poor sick people in the streets full of sores; and so many sad stories overheard as I walk, everybody talking of this dead, and that man sick, and so many in this place, and so many in that. And they tell me that in Westminster there is never a physician, and but one apothecary left, all being dead; but that there are great hopes of a great decrease this week: God send it!

Engrafting against Smallpox

Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, letter to Sarah Chiswell, Adrianople, April 1, 1717, in her Letters (1763) · April 1, 1717 (Old Style); published 1763

4

Every year thousands undergo this operation, and the French Ambassador says pleasantly, that they take the small-pox here by way of diversion, as they take the waters in others countries. There is no example of any one that has died in it, and you may believe I am well satisfied of the safety of this experiment, since I intend to try it on my dear little son. I am patriot enough to take pains to bring this useful invention into fashion in England, and I should not fail to write to some of our Doctors very particularly about it, if I knew any one of them that I thought had virtue enough to destroy such a considerable branch of their revenue, for the good of mankind. But that distemper is too beneficial to them, not to expose to all their resentment, the hardy wight that should undertake to put an end to it. Perhaps, if I live to return, I may, however, have courage to war with them. Upon this occasion, admire the heroism in the heart of, Your friend, &c. &c.

Every year thousands undergo this operation, and the French ambassador says pleasantly that they take the smallpox here by way of diversion, as they take the waters in other countries. There is no example of anyone that has died in it, and you may believe I am well satisfied of the safety of this experiment, since I intend to try it on my dear little son. I am patriot enough to take pains to bring this useful invention into fashion in England, and I should not fail to write to some of our doctors very particularly about it, if I knew any one of them that I thought had virtue enough to destroy such a considerable branch of their revenue for the good of mankind. But that distemper is too beneficial to them not to expose to all their resentment the hardy wight that should undertake to put an end to it. Perhaps, if I live to return, I may, however, have courage to war with them. Upon this occasion, admire the heroism in the heart of your friend, etc., etc.

What the Africans of Boston Knew about Inoculation

Cotton Mather and Zabdiel Boylston, Some Account of What Is Said of Inoculating or Transplanting the Small Pox (Boston, 1721) · 1721

1

THE Publick having been lately entertained with a very dark and partial Account of this New Method of receiving the Small Pox; and this Account being given as is pretended, from the very Letters of Dr. Timonius and Pylarinus; it is thought reasonable and fitting to lay before the Publick this following Abstract of what those Learned Gentlemen have said of this Practice. But because the Gentleman who only hath these Letters by him, refuses now to lend them; the Account here following is chiefly taken from a known Letter written by a Learned Gentleman of Boston to the Worthy Physicians of the Town.

The public having been lately entertained with a very dark and partial account of this new method of receiving the smallpox; and this account being given as is pretended from the very letters of Dr. Timonius and Pylarinus; it is thought reasonable and fitting to lay before the public this following abstract of what those learned gentlemen have said of this practice. But because the gentleman who only hath these letters by him refuses now to lend them; the account here following is chiefly taken from a known letter written by a learned gentleman of Boston to the worthy physicians of the town.

A Sermon against Inoculation

Edmund Massey, A Sermon against the Dangerous and Sinful Practice of Inoculation (preached in London, 1722), text from the Boston reprint of the third edition (1730) · preached July 8, 1722

4

2. The Good of Mankind, the seeking whereof is one of the Fundamental Laws of Nature, is, I know, pleaded in Defence of the Practice I contend against: But I must profess my self at a Loss, to find or understand, how that has been, or can be promoted hereby: For if by Good be meant the Preservation of Life, it is in the first Place a Question, Whether Life be a Good, or not? But if it be, the Preservation of it will be found as little beholden to this Practice, as any other Invention whatsoever. The confessed Miscarriages in this new Method, are more than have happened in the ordinary Way: And if this be our Case now, how much worse must it needs prove, if God for our Presumption, and contemptuous distrust of his good Providence, should suffer this Delusion to gain Ground, and these Physicians of no Value, these forgers of Lies, (as Job expresses it ) to obtain and grow into Credit among us: Such I fear they may be accounted, who so confidently tell us, what is impossible for them to know; namely, that they who undergo their Experiment, are for ever thereby secured from any future Danger and Infection: This is a bold Assertion indeed, and if such Experiment were lawful, and consistent with the Rules of Christian Practice, I could wish to God it were true also: But if neither of these be the Case, if the two Requisites, Prevention, and Lawfulness be wanting; I believe I may venture to affirm, that the most learned and judicious among the Professors of Physick will never give into so destructive a Scheme. And I hope the Time is coming, that these Venefici, these Spreaders of Infection, will be distinguished from those of the Faculty, who deserve Honour, and not permitted to mingle with them, as the Devil among the Sons of God, lest like the Disease-Giving Practitioner, the Harlot whom Solomon describes, they entice us, till a Dart strike through our Liver, and we haste to their Snare, not knowing that it is for our Life. Besides, I cannot apprehend how it conduces to the Preservation of Mankind, to force a dangerous Distemper upon them, which possibly may never happen unto them, and if it should, may probably be attended with very little, if any Inconvenience; and as before has been hinted, is no Sucurity against future Contagion. This is unequally to stake a Substance against a Shadow, to make Men run into a real Danger, lest they should happen to fall into an accidental One, and contributes no more to the Preservation of Mankind, than it would redound to the Honour of a well provided City, to invite the Enemy and surrender now, for fear lest sometime hence, they should possibly be surpris'd and taken.

2. The good of mankind, the seeking whereof is one of the fundamental laws of nature, is, I know, pleaded in defense of the practice I contend against. But I must profess myself at a loss to find or understand how that has been, or can be, promoted hereby. For if by good be meant the preservation of life, it is in the first place a question whether life be a good, or not. But if it be, the preservation of it will be found as little beholden to this practice as any other invention whatsoever. The confessed miscarriages in this new method are more than have happened in the ordinary way. And if this be our case now, how much worse must it needs prove, if God, for our presumption and contemptuous distrust of his good Providence, should suffer this delusion to gain ground, and these physicians of no value, these forgers of lies (as Job expresses it), to obtain and grow into credit among us! Such I fear they may be accounted who so confidently tell us what is impossible for them to know: namely, that they who undergo their experiment are forever thereby secured from any future danger and infection. This is a bold assertion indeed, and if such experiment were lawful, and consistent with the rules of Christian practice, I could wish to God it were true also. But if neither of these be the case, if the two requisites, prevention and lawfulness, be wanting, I believe I may venture to affirm that the most learned and judicious among the professors of physic will never give into so destructive a scheme. And I hope the time is coming that these venefici, these spreaders of infection, will be distinguished from those of the faculty who deserve honor, and not permitted to mingle with them, as the Devil among the sons of God, lest, like the disease-giving practitioner, the harlot whom Solomon describes, they entice us, till a dart strike through our liver, and we haste to their snare, not knowing that it is for our life. Besides, I cannot apprehend how it conduces to the preservation of mankind to force a dangerous distemper upon them which possibly may never happen unto them, and if it should, may probably be attended with very little, if any, inconvenience, and, as before has been hinted, is no security against future contagion. This is unequally to stake a substance against a shadow, to make men run into a real danger lest they should happen to fall into an accidental one, and contributes no more to the preservation of mankind than it would redound to the honor of a well-provided city to invite the enemy and surrender now, for fear lest sometime hence they should possibly be surprised and taken.

The Yellow Fever in Philadelphia, 1793

Benjamin Rush, An Account of the Bilious Remitting Yellow Fever (Philadelphia, 1794) · 1794 (events of 1793)

1

Thus far have I delivered the history of the yellow fever as it affected the human body with sickness and death. I shall now mention a few of those circumstances of public and private distress which attended it. I have before remarked, that the first reports of the existence of this fever were treated with neglect or contempt. A strange apathy pervaded all classes of people. While I bore my share of reproach for "terrifying our citizens with imaginary danger," I answered it by lamenting "that they were not terrified enough." The publication from the college of physicians soon dissipated this indifference and incredulity. Fear or terror now sat upon every countenance. The disease appeared in many parts of the town, remote from the spot where it originated; although in every instance it was easily traced to it. This set the city in motion. The streets and roads leading from the city were crouded with families flying in every direction for safety to the country. Business began to languish. Water-street between Market and Race-streets became a desart.

Thus far have I delivered the history of the yellow fever as it affected the human body with sickness and death. I shall now mention a few of those circumstances of public and private distress which attended it. I have before remarked that the first reports of the existence of this fever were treated with neglect or contempt. A strange apathy pervaded all classes of people. While I bore my share of reproach for “terrifying our citizens with imaginary danger,” I answered it by lamenting “that they were not terrified enough.” The publication from the College of Physicians soon dissipated this indifference and incredulity. Fear or terror now sat upon every countenance. The disease appeared in many parts of the town, remote from the spot where it originated, although in every instance it was easily traced to it. This set the city in motion. The streets and roads leading from the city were crowded with families flying in every direction for safety to the country. Business began to languish. Water Street between Market and Race Streets became a desert.

3

The contagion after the second week in September, spared no rank of citizens. Whole families were confined by it. There was a deficiency of nurses for the sick, and many of those who were employed were unqualified for their business. There was likewise a great deficiency of physicians from the desertion of some, and the sickness and death of others. At one time, there were only three physicians who were able to do business out of their houses, and at this time, there were probably not less than 6,000 persons ill with the fever.

The contagion, after the second week in September, spared no rank of citizens. Whole families were confined by it. There was a deficiency of nurses for the sick, and many of those who were employed were unqualified for their business. There was likewise a great deficiency of physicians from the desertion of some, and the sickness and death of others. At one time there were only three physicians who were able to do business out of their houses, and at this time, there were probably not less than 6,000 persons ill with the fever.

Remembering the Yellow Fever of 1793

Samuel Breck, Recollections, edited by H. E. Scudder (Philadelphia, 1877) · written 1830 or later (events of 1793); published 1877

2

The horrors of this memorable affliction were extensive and heart-rending. Nor were they softened by professional skill. The disorder was in a great measure a stranger to our climate, and was awkwardly treated. Its rapid march, being from ten victims a day in August to one hundred a day in October, terrified the physicians, and led them into contradictory modes of treatment. They, as well as the guardians of the city, were taken by surprise. No hospitals or hospital stores were in readiness to alleviate the sufferings of the poor. For a long time nothing could be done other than to furnish coffins for the dead and men to bury them. At length a large house in the neighborhood was appropriately fitted up for the reception of patients, and a few pre-eminent philanthropists volunteered to superintend it. At the head of them was Stephen Girard, who has since become the richest man in America.

The horrors of this memorable affliction were extensive and heart-rending. Nor were they softened by professional skill. The disorder was in a great measure a stranger to our climate, and was awkwardly treated. Its rapid march, being from ten victims a day in August to one hundred a day in October, terrified the physicians, and led them into contradictory modes of treatment. They, as well as the guardians of the city, were taken by surprise. No hospitals or hospital stores were in readiness to alleviate the sufferings of the poor. For a long time nothing could be done other than to furnish coffins for the dead and men to bury them. At length a large house in the neighborhood was appropriately fitted up for the reception of patients, and a few preeminent philanthropists volunteered to superintend it. At the head of them was Stephen Girard, who has since become the richest man in America.

5

That committee was in session day and night at the City Hall in Chestnut street. The spectacle around was new, for he had not ventured for some weeks so low down in town. The attendants on the dead stood on the pavement in considerable numbers soliciting jobs, and until employed they were occupied in feeding their horses out of the coffins which they had provided in anticipation of the daily wants. These speculators were useful, and, albeit with little show of feeling, contributed greatly to lessen, by competition, the charges of interment. The gentleman passed on through these callous spectators until he reached the room in which the committee was assembled, and from whom he obtained the services of a quack doctor, none other being in attendance. They went together to the stable, where the doctor examined the man, and then told the gentleman that at ten o'clock he would send the cart with a suitable coffin, into which he requested to have the dying stranger placed. The poor man was then alive and begging for a drink of water. His fit of delirium had subsided, his reason had returned, yet the experience of the soi-disant doctor enabled him to foretell that his death would take place in a few hours; it did so, and in time for his corpse to be conveyed away by the cart at the hour appointed. This sudden exit was of common occurrence. The whole number of deaths in 1793 by yellow fever was more than four thousand. Again it took place in 1797, '98 and '99, when the loss was six thousand, making a total in these four years of ten thousand.

That committee was in session day and night at the City Hall in Chestnut Street. The spectacle around was new, for he had not ventured for some weeks so low down in town. The attendants on the dead stood on the pavement in considerable numbers soliciting jobs, and until employed they were occupied in feeding their horses out of the coffins which they had provided in anticipation of the daily wants. These speculators were useful, and, albeit with little show of feeling, contributed greatly to lessen, by competition, the charges of interment. The gentleman passed on through these callous spectators until he reached the room in which the committee was assembled, and from whom he obtained the services of a quack doctor, none other being in attendance. They went together to the stable, where the doctor examined the man, and then told the gentleman that at ten o’clock he would send the cart with a suitable coffin, into which he requested to have the dying stranger placed. The poor man was then alive and begging for a drink of water. His fit of delirium had subsided, his reason had returned, yet the experience of the soi-disant doctor enabled him to foretell that his death would take place in a few hours; it did so, and in time for his corpse to be conveyed away by the cart at the hour appointed. This sudden exit was of common occurrence. The whole number of deaths in 1793 by yellow fever was more than four thousand. Again it took place in 1797, ’98, and ’99, when the loss was six thousand, making a total in these four years of ten thousand.

The Program of the Grand Pleasure Excursion

Mark Twain, The Innocents Abroad (1869), on the printed programme for the 1867 Quaker City excursion · programme dated February 1, 1867; book published 1869

3

BROOKLYN, February 1st, 1867. The undersigned will make an excursion as above during the coming season, and begs to submit to you the following programme: A first-class steamer, to be under his own command, and capable of accommodating at least one hundred and fifty cabin passengers, will be selected, in which will be taken a select company, numbering not more than three-fourths of the ship's capacity. There is good reason to believe that this company can be easily made up in this immediate vicinity, of mutual friends and acquaintances. The steamer will be provided with every necessary comfort, including library and musical instruments. An experienced physician will be on board.

Brooklyn, February 1, 1867. The undersigned will make an excursion as above during the coming season, and begs to submit to you the following program: A first-class steamer, to be under his own command, and able to hold at least one hundred and fifty cabin passengers, will be selected. It will take a select company, numbering not more than three-fourths of the ship's capacity. There is good reason to believe that this company can easily be made up in this immediate neighborhood, of mutual friends and acquaintances. The steamer will be provided with every necessary comfort, including a library and musical instruments. An experienced physician will be on board.

8

What was there lacking about that programme, to make it perfectly irresistible? Nothing, that any finite mind could discover. Paris, England, Scotland, Switzerland, Italy — Garibaldi! The Grecian archipelago! Vesuvius! Constantinople! Smyrna! The Holy Land! Egypt and “our friends the Bermudians!” People in Europe desiring to join the Excursion — contagious sickness to be avoided — boating at the expense of the ship — physician on board — the circuit of the globe to be made if the passengers unanimously desired it — the company to be rigidly selected by a pitiless “Committee on Applications” — the vessel to be as rigidly selected by as pitiless a “Committee on Selecting Steamer.” Human nature could not withstand these bewildering temptations. I hurried to the Treasurer's office and deposited my ten per cent. I rejoiced to know that a few vacant state-rooms were still left. I did avoid a critical personal examination into my character, by that bowelless committee, but I referred to all the people of high standing I could think of in the community who would be least likely to know any thing about me.

What was there lacking about that program, to make it perfectly irresistible? Nothing that any finite mind could discover. Paris, England, Scotland, Switzerland, Italy—Garibaldi! The Grecian archipelago! Vesuvius! Constantinople! Smyrna! The Holy Land! Egypt and “our friends the Bermudians!” People in Europe wanting to join the excursion. Contagious sickness to be avoided. Boating at the expense of the ship. Physician on board. The circuit of the globe to be made if the passengers unanimously desired it. The company to be rigidly selected by a pitiless “Committee on Applications.” The vessel to be as rigidly selected by as pitiless a “Committee on Selecting Steamer.” Human nature could not withstand these bewildering temptations. I hurried to the treasurer's office and deposited my 10 percent. I rejoiced to know that a few vacant staterooms were still left. I did avoid a critical personal examination into my character by that heartless committee. But I named as references all the people of high standing I could think of in the community who would be least likely to know anything about me.

The Plague Act and the House Searches, Bombay 1897

R. Nathan, comp., The Plague in India, 1896, 1897 (Simla: Government Central Printing Office, 1898) · 1898 (events of October 1896–April 1897)

22

“ If possible, he was accompanied by the subdivisional medical officer of the district and, when the quarter was Muhammadan, by a lady doctor.

“If possible, he was accompanied by the subdivisional medical officer of the district and, when the quarter was Muhammadan, by a lady doctor.

The Government Explains the Flu, 1918

U.S. Public Health Service (Rupert Blue, Surgeon General), “Spanish Influenza,” “Three-Day Fever,” “The Flu” (1918) · September 28, 1918

10

In addition to the appearance and the symptoms as already described, examination of the patient’s blood may aid the physician in recognizing “ Spanish influenza,” for it has been found that in this disease the number of white corpuscles shows little or no increase above the normal. It is possible that the laboratory investigations now being made through the National Research Council and the United States Hygienic Laboratory will furnish a more certain way in which individual cases of this disease can be recognized.

In addition to the appearance and the symptoms as already described, examination of the patient’s blood may aid the physician in recognizing “Spanish influenza,” for it has been found that in this disease the number of white corpuscles shows little or no increase above the normal. It is possible that the laboratory investigations now being made through the National Research Council and the United States Hygienic Laboratory will furnish a more certain way in which individual cases of this disease can be recognized.

A Wrong Cure for the Spanish Influenza

Louis Dechmann, Spanish Influenza (Pan-Asthenia): Its Cause and Cure (Seattle, 1919) · 1 February 1919

1

The Spanish influenza pandemia which is encircling the globe and claiming the lives of hundreds of thousands, aye, of millions of people, presents a problem before which the medical profession stands baffled. A multitude of hypotheses have been offered as a basis for as many methods of treating the plague, but the disease runs its course unchecked. Thus far the medical faculty of the world has not even succeeded in defining the nature of the disease. The first problem, therefore, at least the first aspect of the problem, is to ascertain the nature of the disease, to uncover its underlying cause, in order that we may have a scientific foundation on which to base our diagnosis and our treatment of it.

The Spanish influenza pandemia which is encircling the globe and claiming the lives of hundreds of thousands, aye, of millions of people, presents a problem before which the medical profession stands baffled. A multitude of hypotheses have been offered as a basis for as many methods of treating the plague, but the disease runs its course unchecked. Thus far the medical faculty of the world has not even succeeded in defining the nature of the disease. The first problem, therefore, at least the first aspect of the problem, is to ascertain the nature of the disease, to uncover its underlying cause, in order that we may have a scientific foundation on which to base our diagnosis and our treatment of it.

13

The author does not practice medicine, does not visit patients. He is a counselor in biology and physiological chemistry. If the physician in charge desires he will consult with him about the application of the principles outlined herein to the treatment of patients suffering from influenza.

The author does not practice medicine, does not visit patients. He is a counselor in biology and physiological chemistry. If the physician in charge desires, he will consult with him about the application of the principles outlined herein to the treatment of patients suffering from influenza.

Mask

Kikuchi Kan, “Mask,” Kaizō, July 1920 · July 1920 (events of the winter of 1919–20 and the spring of 1920)

6

が、去年の暮、胃腸をヒドク壊して、医者に見て貰ったとき、その医者から、可なり烈しい幻滅を与えられてしまった。

But at the end of last year I upset my stomach and bowels badly and went to see a doctor, and he gave me a rather harsh disillusionment.

25

こうした診察を受けて以来、生命の安全が刻々に脅かされて居るような気がした。殊に、ちょうどその頃から、流行性感冒が猛烈な勢で流行りかけて来た。医者の言葉に従えば、自分が流行性感冒に罹ることは、即ち死を意味して居た。その上、その頃新聞に頻々と載せられた感冒に就いての、医者の話の中などにも、心臓の強弱が、勝負の別れ目と云ったような、意味のことが、幾度も繰り返されて居た。

After that examination, I felt that my life was in danger every moment. Especially because, just around then, the influenza began to spread with terrible force. If the doctor was right, catching it would mean death for me. What was more, the doctors’ talks on the influenza that the newspapers printed again and again at that time kept repeating the same idea: a strong or a weak heart decided who lived and who died.