Hearth Interactive

People

God

The one God worshiped by Jews, Christians and Muslims. Many writers in the library saw his hand in epidemics, cures, voyages and the fortunes of colonies.

The Plague as a Test: A Bishop's Sermon at Carthage

Cyprian, "On the Mortality" (De mortalitate), sections 8–20 · c. 252–253 (during the epidemic at Carthage)

8.5

itaque donec corruptiuum istud induat incorruptionem, et mortale hoc accipiat inmortalitatem, et spiritus nos perducat ad Deum patrem, quaecumque sunt carnis incommoda sunt nobis cum humano genere communia.

So until this corruptible body puts on incorruption, and this mortal body receives immortality, and the spirit leads us home to God the Father, the troubles of the flesh are ours as much as anyone's.

12.1

Sic Abraham Deo placuit, quia ut placeret Deo nec amittere filium timuit nec gerere parricidium recusauit.

Abraham pleased God in just this way: to please God, he did not fear to lose his son, and he did not refuse to kill him with his own hand.

12.3

ad omnia te paratum facere timor Dei et fides debet.

The fear of God and faith should make you ready for anything.

13.6

hoc denique inter nos et ceteros interest qui Deum nesciunt, quod illi in aduersis queruntur et murmurant, nos aduersa non auocant a uirtutis et fidei ueritate, sed conprobant in dolore.

In the end, this is what separates us from the others, who do not know God. In hard times they complain and grumble. But hard times do not draw us away from true courage and faith; they prove us true in our pain.

14.2

contra tot inpetus uastitatis et mortis inconcussis animi uirtutibus congredi quanta pectoris magnitudo est, quanta sublimitas in ruinis humani generis stare rectum nec cum eis quibus spes in Deum nulla est iacere prostratum et gratulari magis et temporis munus amplecti, quod dum nostram fidem firmiter promimus et labore tolerato ad ‖306‖ Christum per angustam Christi uiam pergimus, praemium uiae eius et fidei ipso iudicante capiamus.

What greatness of heart it takes to meet so many attacks of ruin and death with a mind that does not waver! What nobility, to stand upright among the ruins of the human race, instead of lying flat on the ground beside those for whom there is no hope in God! Rather, we should rejoice and welcome the gift this time brings. The gift is this: by firmly showing our faith, bearing our hardships, and pressing on to Christ along Christ's narrow way, we may win the reward of his way and of our faith, with Christ himself as our judge.

15.2

mortalitas ista Iudaeis et gentibus et Christi hostibus pestis est, Dei seruis salutaris excessus est.

This mortality is a plague to the Jews and the pagans and the enemies of Christ; to the servants of God it is a departure that brings salvation.

16.2

ut nihil aliud mortalitas ista contulerit, hoc christianis et Dei seruis plurimum praestitit quod martyrium coepimus libenter adpetere, dum mortem discimus non timere.

Even if this mortality had done nothing else, it has done Christians and servants of God this great service: we have begun to seek martyrdom gladly, while we are learning not to fear death.

17.2

primo in loco non est in tua potestate sed in Dei dignatione martyrium, nec potes te dicere perdidisse quod nescis an merearis accipere.

First of all, martyrdom does not lie in your power; it lies in God's gift. And you cannot say you have lost something when you do not know if you would have deserved to receive it.

17.3

tunc deinde Deus scrutator est renis et cordis et occultorum contemplator et cognitor, uidet et conlaudat te et conprobat et qui perspicit aput te paratam fuisse uirtutem reddit pro uirtute mercedem.

Then, too, God searches the heart and the inmost being; he sees and knows what is hidden. He sees you, and he praises and approves you. He sees that the courage was ready in you, and for that courage he pays the reward.

17.9

nec enim sanguinem Deus nostrum sed fidem quaerit.

For what God seeks is not our blood but our faith.

20.1

Nobis quoque ipsis minimis et extremis quotiens reuelatum est, quam frequenter adque manifeste de Dei dignatione praeceptum est, ut contestarer adsidue, ut publice praedicarem fratres nostros non esse lugendos arcessitione dominica de saeculo liberatos, cum sciamus non amitti sed praemitti, recedentes praecedere, ut proficiscentes, ut nauigantes solent, desiderari eos debere, non plangi nec accipiendas esse hic atras uestes, quando illi ibi indumenta alba iam sumpserint, occasionem dandam non esse gentilibus, ut nos merito ac iure reprehendant, quod quos uiuere aput Deum dicimus ut extinctos et perditos lugeamus et fidem quam sermone et uoce depromimus cordis et pectoris testimonio non probemus.

And to me, too, the least and lowest of all, how often this has been revealed! How often and how clearly God in his kindness has commanded me to bear witness constantly and to preach in public that our brothers whom the Lord's summons has set free from the world must not be mourned. For we know they are not lost; they are sent on ahead. In leaving us, they go before us. We should miss them as we miss travelers, or people who have set sail, but not wail over them. We should not put on black clothes here when they have already put on white robes there. We must not give the pagans good reason to blame us. They would be right and just to blame us if we mourned as dead and lost the very people we declare to be alive with God, and if the witness of our hearts did not prove the faith we profess with our words.

Receive every guest as Christ

Benedict of Nursia, Rule for Monks, chapter 53 (written about 530–547), in the edition of Eduard Wölfflin (1895) · written about 530–547

53.4

Aquam in manibus abbas hospitibus det; pedes hospitibus omnibus tam abbas quam cuncta congregatio lavet; quibus lotis hunc versum dicant: ‘Suscipimus Deus misericordiam tuam in medio templi tui.’

The abbot should pour water over the guests’ hands. The abbot and the whole community should wash the feet of every guest. When the feet are washed, they should say this verse: “We receive your mercy, O God, in the middle of your temple.”

53.7

Item et cellam hospitum habeat adsignatam frater cuius animam timor Dei possidet; ubi sint lecti strati sufficienter, et domus Dei a sapientibus et sapienter administretur.

In the same way, the guest quarters should be given into the care of a brother whose soul is filled with the fear of God. There should be enough beds made up there. And the house of God should be run by wise people, and wisely.

A year in a sentence: entries from the Chronicle

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, entries for 802–1154, in the edition of John Earle (Oxford, 1865) · entries for 802–1154; the Peterborough copy written about 1121–1155

891A

And þrie Scottas cuomon to Ælfrede cyninge. on anum bate butan ælcum gereþrum. of Hibernia. þonon hi hi bestælon. forþon þe hi woldon for Godes lufan on elþiodignesse beon. hi ne rohton hwær. se bat wæs geworht of þriddan healfre hyde þe hi on foron. and hi namon mid him þæt hi hæfdun to seofon nihtum mete. and þa comon hie ymb vii niht to londe on Corn walum. and foron þa sona to Ælfrede cyninge. þus hie wæron genemnde. Dubslane and Macc bethu and Maelinmun. And Swifneh se betsta lareow þe on Scottum wæs gefor.

And þy ilcan geare ofer Eastron. ymbe gang dagas oþþe ær. æt eowde se steorra þe mon on boc læden hæt cometa. same men cweþaþ on Englisc þæt hit sie feaxede steorra. forþæm þær stent lang leoma of. hwilum on ane healfe. hwilum on ælce healfe.

Three Irishmen came to King Alfred in a boat with no one to row or steer it. They had slipped away from Ireland because, for the love of God, they wanted to live in exile, and they did not care where. The boat they traveled in was made of two and a half hides. They took with them enough food for seven nights, and after seven nights they came ashore in Cornwall. They went straight to King Alfred. Their names were Dubslane, Macc bethu, and Maelinmun. And Swifneh, the best teacher among the Irish, died. And the same year, after Easter, around Rogation Days or a little before, the star appeared that is called cometa in the Latin of books. In English, too, people call it the long-haired star, because a long ray stands out from it, sometimes on one side, sometimes on every side.

1131E

Ðis gear æfter Cristesmesse on an Mone niht æt þe forme slæp wæs se heouene oðe norð half eall swilc hit wære bærnende fir. swa ꝥ ealle ðe hit sægon wæron swa of færed swa hi næfre ær ne wæron. ꝥ wæs on iii id' Janr'. Ðes ilces geares wæs swa micel orf cwalm swa hit næfre ær ne wæs on manne gemynd ofer eall Engle land. ꝥ wæs on næt and on swin. swa ꝥ on þa tun þa wæs tenn ploges oðer twelfe gangende ne be læf þær noht an. and se man þa heafde twa hundred oðþe ðre hundred swin ne beleaf him noht an. Þær æft' swulten þa henne fugeles. þa scyrte ða flescmete and se ceose and se butere. God hit bete þa his wille beð. [...]

This year, after Christmas, on a Monday night, in the first sleep, the whole northern sky looked as if it were burning fire. Everyone who saw it was more frightened than they had ever been. That was on January 11. This same year there was a cattle plague worse than any in living memory, all over England. It struck cattle and pigs. In a village where ten or twelve plows had been working, not one was left. A man who had had two or three hundred pigs had not one left. After that the hens died. Then meat ran short, and cheese and butter. God mend it, when it is his will.

The Plague Goes Town by Town

Ibn al-Wardi, The Report of the Pestilence, from his chronicle (Aleppo, 1348) · 1348 (the essay); the chronicle entries 1346–1349

749

وفيها: في شهر رجب وصل الوباء إلى حلب كفانا الله شره، وهذا الوباء قيل لنا أنه ابتدأ من الظلمات من خمس عشرة سنة متقدمة على تاريخه وعملت فيه رسالة سميتها النبأ عن الوباء.

This year, in the month of Rajab, the pestilence reached Aleppo. May God spare us its evil! We were told that this pestilence began in the Land of Darkness fifteen years before this time. I wrote an essay about it, which I called The Report of the Pestilence.

17

ومنها: فإن قال قائل هو يعدي ويبيد قلت: بل الله يبدي ويعيد، فإن جادل الكاذب في دعوى العدوى وتأول قلنا فقد قال الصادق - صلى الله عليه وسلم -: " فمن أعدى الأول استرسل ثعبانه وانساب " وسمي طاعون الأنساب وهو سادس طاعون وقع في الإسلام، وعندي أنه الموتان الذي أنذر به نبينا عليه أفضل الصلاة والسلام كان وكان:

Another passage: If someone says, “It is contagious and destroys,” I say, “No, God creates and brings back.” If a liar argues for contagion and twists the meaning, we say, “The Truthful One, God bless him and grant him peace, said, ‘Then who infected the first?’” Its serpent uncoiled and slithered, and it was named the Plague of Lineages [because it took whole families]. It is the sixth plague to strike in Islam. In my view it is the great dying that our Prophet foretold, the best of blessing and peace be on him. In kān wa-kān verse:

The Plague Comes to Messina and Catania

Anonymous of Catania, Sicilian History, printed in Rosario Gregorio’s Bibliotheca scriptorum (1791) · after April 1348 (events of October 1347 to April 1348)

27.1

Siculis vero de hujusmodi pace nimium congaudentibus, & sub pace existentibus tranquilla Deum collaudantibus de tam immenso dono, quod antiqui Reges Siculi hactenus obtinere minime potuerant, pestis letifera fuit in insula Sicilie universaliter exorta, occasione quadam subscripta.

The Sicilians were overjoyed at this peace. Living at peace at last, they praised God for so great a gift, one the kings of Sicily before them had never been able to win. Then a deadly plague broke out all over the island of Sicily. This is how it happened.

Laura, in the Margins of His Virgil

Petrarch, note in his manuscript of Virgil, as transcribed by Pierre de Nolhac, Pétrarque et l’humanisme (1907) · 1348 or soon after

3

Hec autem ad acerbam rei memoriam amara quadam dulcedine scribere uisum est, hoc potissimum loco qui sepe sub oculis meis redit, ut scilicet nichil esse debere quod amplius mihi placeat in hac uita et, effracto maiori laqueo, tempus esse de Babilone fugiendi crebra horum inspectione ac fugacissime etatis estimatione conmonear, quod, preuia Dei gratia, facile erit preteriti temporis curas superuacuas spes inanes et inexpectatos exitus acriter ac uiriliter cogitanti.

I have decided to write this down, with a kind of bitter sweetness, in memory of that painful event. I write it here above all, in a place that often comes back before my eyes. Seeing these words often, and reckoning how fast life flies, will remind me that nothing in this life should please me any longer. Now that the greatest snare is broken, it is time to flee from Babylon. With God’s grace leading the way, that will be easy, if I think hard and bravely about the useless cares, empty hopes, and unexpected endings of the past.

After the Mortality: Florence, 1348

Matteo Villani, Chronicle, book 1, edited by Francesco Gherardi Dragomanni (1846) · begun soon after 1348 (events of 1346–1350)

3

Nella quale mortalità avendo renduta l’anima a Dio l’autore della cronica nominata la Cronica di Giovanni Villani cittadino di Firenze, al quale per sangue e per dilezione fui strettamente congiunto, dopo molto gravi fortune, con più conoscimento della calamità del mondo che la prosperità di quello non m’avea dimostrato, propuosi nell’animo mio fare alla nostra varia e calamitosa materia cominciamento a questo tempo, come a uno rinnovellamento di tempo e secolo, comprendendo annualmente le novità che appariranno di memoria degne, giusta la possa del debole ingegno, come più certa fede per li tempi avvenire ne potremo avere.

In this mortality the author of the chronicle called the Chronicle of Giovanni Villani, a citizen of Florence, gave back his soul to God. I was closely bound to him by blood and by love. After many heavy blows of fortune, which taught me more about the world’s misfortunes than its good times ever had, I resolved to begin our varied and calamitous story at this point, as at a renewal of time and of the age. Year by year I will record the events that seem worth remembering, as far as my weak mind allows and as surely as we can learn of them, for the times to come.

5

Videsi negli anni di Cristo, dalla sua salutevole incarnazione 1346, la congiunzione di tre superiori pianeti nel segno dell’Aquario, della quale congiunzione si disse per gli astrolaghi che Saturno fu signore: onde pronosticarono al mondo grandi e gravi novitadi; ma simile congiunzione per li tempi passati molte altre volte stata e mostrata, la influenzia per altri particulari accidenti non parve cagione di questa, ma piuttosto divino giudicio secondo la disposizione dell’assoluta volontà di Dio.

In the year 1346 of Christ’s saving Incarnation, a conjunction of the three upper planets was seen in the sign of Aquarius. The astrologers said that Saturn was its lord, and so they foretold great and grievous events for the world. But a similar conjunction had appeared many times before. So its influence, together with other particular circumstances, did not seem to be the cause of this pestilence. The cause seemed rather to be God’s judgment, as the absolute will of God ordained.

14

Della indulgenza diede il papa per la detta pistolenza. In questi tempi della mortale pestilenzia, papa Clemente sesto fece grande indulgenza generale della pena di tutti i peccati a coloro che pentuti e confessi la domandavano a’ loro confessori, e morivano: e in quella certa mortalità catuno cristiano credendosi morire si disponea bene, e con molta contrizione e pazienzia rendevano l’anima a Dio.

In these times of the deadly pestilence, Pope Clement VI granted a great general indulgence, a release from the punishment for all sins, to those who repented, confessed, asked their confessors for it, and died. And in that certain mortality every Christian, believing he would die, prepared himself well, and they gave back their souls to God with deep sorrow for their sins and with patience.

15

Come gli uomini furono peggiori che prima. Stimossi per quelli pochi discreti che rimasono in vita molte cose, che per la corruzione del peccato tutte fallirono agli avvisi degli uomini, seguendo nel contradio maravigliosamente. Credettesi che gli uomini, i quali Iddio per grazia avea riserbati in vita, avendo veduto lo sterminio de’ loro prossimi, e di tutte le nazioni del mondo, udito il simigliante, che divenissono di migliore condizione, umili, virtudiosi e cattolici, guardassonsi dall’iniquità e dai peccati, e fossono pieni d’amore e di carità l’uno contra l’altro. Ma di presente restata la mortalità apparve il contradio; che gli uomini trovandosi pochi, e abbondanti per l’eredità e successioni de’ beni terreni, dimenticando le cose passate come state non fossono, si dierono alla più sconcia e disonesta vita che prima non aveano usata.

The few wise people who were left alive expected many things. But because of the corruption of sin, all these hopes failed, and astonishingly the opposite happened. People believed that those whom God in his grace had kept alive would become better. They had seen their neighbors destroyed, and heard that the same had happened to all the nations of the world. So, it was thought, they would become humble, virtuous, and devout, would keep away from wickedness and sin, and would be full of love and charity for one another. But as soon as the mortality stopped, the opposite appeared. People found themselves few, and rich from the property they had inherited. They forgot the past as if it had never been, and gave themselves to a more shameful and immoral life than they had ever lived before.

The Pestilence Comes to Florence, 1348

Giovanni Boccaccio, The Decameron, Introduction to the First Day, edited by Pietro Fanfani (1888) · about 1349–1353 (events of 1348)

2

Et in quella non valendo alcuno senno né umano provvedimento, per lo quale fu da molte immondizie purgata la città da oficiali sopra ciò ordinati, e vietato l'entrarvi dentro a ciascuno infermo, e molti consigli dati a conservazion della sanità; né ancora umili supplicazioni, non una volta ma molte, et in processioni ordinate, et in altre guise a Dio fatte dalle divote persone; quasi nel principio della primavera dell'anno predetto orribilmente cominciò i suoi dolorosi effetti, et in miracolosa maniera, a dimostrare.

Against it no wisdom or human foresight did any good. Officials appointed for the task cleared the city of much filth. No sick person was allowed to enter, and much advice was given on staying healthy. Nor did humble prayers to God do any good, though devout people offered them not once but many times, in organized processions and in other ways. Almost at the beginning of spring that year, the pestilence began to show its painful effects, in horrible and astonishing ways.

Muslims, Jews, and Christians Pray Together

Ibn Battuta, the Rihla (Travels), dictated in Fez about 1355 · 1348–1349 (dictated about 1355)

1.3

وخرج جميع أهل البلد ذكورا وإناثا صغارا وكبارا، وخرج اليهود بتوراتهم، والنصارى بإنجيلهم، ومعهم النساء والولدان وجميعهم باكون متضرعون متوسلون إلى الله بكتبه وأنبيائه، وقصدوا مسجد الأقدام وأقاموا به في تضرعهم إلى قرب الزوال وعادوا إلى البلد فصلوا الجمعة وخفف الله تعالى عنهم فانتهى عدد الموتى إلى ألفين في اليوم الواحد، وقد انتهى عددهم بالقاهرة ومصر إلى أربعة وعشرين ألفا في يوم واحد.

The whole population of the city went out, men and women, young and old. The Jews came out with their Torah, and the Christians with their Gospel, with their women and children. All of them were weeping and pleading, calling on God through his books and his prophets. They went to the Mosque of the Footprints and stayed there, praying humbly, until nearly noon. Then they went back into the city and held the Friday prayer. God lightened the plague for them: the dead in a single day came to two thousand, while in Cairo and Misr the count had reached twenty-four thousand in one day.

The Great Mortality in Paris, 1348–1349

Jean de Venette (attributed), Continuation of the Chronicle of William of Nangis, edited by Hercule Géraud (1843) · about 1360 (events of 1348–1349)

7

Durante tamen epidemia dicta, Dominus tantam gratiam ex sua pietate conferre dignatus est, ut decedentes, quamquam subito, quasi omnes laeti mortem exspectabant. Nec erat aliquis quin confessus et cum viatico sacratissimo moreretur; et, quod plus ad bonum decedentium fuit, dominus papa Clemens VI, in quamplurimis civitatibus et castris, absolutionem a poena et culpa decedentibus per suos confessores dedit misericorditer et concessit; unde libentius moriebantur, haereditates multas et bona temporalia ecclesiis et religiosis dimittentes, quia proprios haeredes ante se mori videbant.

Yet while this epidemic lasted, the Lord in his mercy granted such grace that the dying, though they died suddenly, almost all awaited death with joy. No one died without confession and the most holy viaticum. And what did the dying still more good, the lord Pope Clement VI, in a great many cities and castles, mercifully granted them absolution from penalty and guilt through their confessors. So they died more willingly. They left many inheritances and worldly goods to churches and religious orders, because they had seen their own heirs die before them.

As If the Whole World Had Changed

Ibn Khaldun, the Muqaddimah (Introduction to History), 1377 · 1377, revised later (the plague of 1348–1349)

8

وسبب كثرة العفن والرطوبات الفاسدة في هذا كله كثرة العمران ووفوره آخر الدولة لما كان في أوائلها من حسن الملكة ورفقها وقلة المغرم وهو ظاهر ولهذا تبين في موضعه من الحكمة أن تخلل الخلاء والقفر بين العمران ضروري ليكون تموج الهواء يذهب بما يحصل في الهواء من الفساد والعفن بمخالطة الحيوانات ويأتي بالهواء الصحيح ولهذا أيضا فإن الموتان يكون في المدن الموفورة العمران أكثر من غيرها بكثير كمصر بالمشرق وفاس بالمغرب والله يقدر ما يشاء

The cause of so much rot and foul moisture in all this is the large population at the end of a dynasty. It grew because the dynasty, in its early days, ruled well and gently and taxed lightly. This is plain. For this reason, as is shown in its place in philosophy, there must be empty space and open country between settlements. Then the movement of the air can carry off the corruption and rot that living things give to the air, and bring in healthy air. This is also why deaths are far more frequent in crowded cities than elsewhere, as in Cairo in the East and Fez in the Maghrib. God decrees what he wills.

News of the First Voyage

Christopher Columbus, letter to Luis de Santángel, February 1493 (opening) · dated February 15, 1493 (events of October 1492 onward)

1

Señor: Porque sé que habreis placer de la grande vitoria que nuestro Señor me ha dado en mi viage vos escribo esta, por la cual sabreis como en veinte dias pasé las Indias con la armada que los Ilustrísimos Rey y Reina nuestros Señores me dieron, dondé yo fallé muy muchas islas pobladas con gente sin número, y dellas todas he tomado posesion por sus Altezas con pregon y bandera Real extendida, y no me fue contradicho.

Sir: I know you will be glad to hear of the great success our Lord has given me on my voyage, so I am writing to tell you about it. In twenty days I crossed to the Indies with the fleet that our most illustrious King and Queen gave me. There I found a great many islands, filled with more people than anyone could count. I took possession of them all for Their Highnesses, with a proclamation and the royal banner unfurled, and no one opposed me.

2

A la primera que yo fallé puse nombre San Salvador, á conmemoracion de su Alta Magestad, el cual maravillosamente todo esto ha dado: los indios la llaman Guanahani.

The first island I found I named San Salvador [Holy Savior], in honor of His Divine Majesty, who has so wonderfully given all this. The Indians call it Guanahani.

The Images in the Field

Ramón Pané, An Account of the Antiquities of the Indians, written about 1496–1498, from the Italian of Fernando Colombo, Historie (Venice, 1571) · written about 1496–1498 (events of about 1495–1497); printed in Italian, 1571

26.2

Ma con tutto ciò il Guarinex, & i suoi sudditi non si rimossero dal mal'animo, che haueuano di amazzare i Christiani in vn giorno, deputato a portar loro il tributo dell'oro, che essi pagauano. Ma cotal lor congiura fu discoperta: et cosi furono presi in quello stesso giorno, che voleuano far l'effetto. & con tutto ciò perseuerarono nel lor rio proposito; &, mettendolo in opera, amazzarono quattro huomini, e Giouan Matteo, principal scriuano, & Antonio suo fratello, i quali haueuano riceuuto il Santo Battesimo: et corsero, doue haueuano ascose le imagini, & le gittarono in pezzi. Passati alquanti di andò a cauar gli Agi il Signor di quel campo, i quali Agi sono alcune radici, simili a' nauoni, et altre simili a' rafani; & nel luogo, oue le imagini erano state sepolte, eran nati due, e tre Agi, come se fosse stato posto l'vno per mezo l'altro, in forma di croce: ne era possibile, che huomo trouasse tal Croce, & pur la trouò la madre di Guarionex, che è la piu pessima donna, che io conobbi in quelle bande: la quale stimò ciò gran miracolo, & disse al Castellano della Fortezza della Concettione; Questo miracolo è stato mostrato da Dio, oue le imagini furono trouate. Dio sà perche.

But even so, Guarionex and his subjects did not give up their plan to kill the Christians. They meant to do it on a day set for bringing them the tribute of gold that they paid. But their plot was discovered, and they were captured on the very day they meant to carry it out. Even so, they held to their wicked purpose and put it into action. They killed four men, along with Juan Mateo, the chief scribe, and his brother Antonio, both of whom had received Holy Baptism. Then they ran to where they had hidden the images and smashed them to pieces. A few days later, the owner of that field went to dig up his ajes. These are roots, some like turnips and others like radishes. In the spot where the images had been buried, two or three ajes had grown, one set across the other in the shape of a cross. No one could have found such a cross by looking for it. And yet Guarionex's mother found it, the very worst woman I knew in those parts. She judged it a great miracle. She said to the commander of the fortress of La Concepción, “God has shown this miracle where the images were found.” God knows why.

Winter at Stadacona and the Cedar Cure

Jacques Cartier’s second voyage, Brief récit (Paris, 1545), on the winter of 1535–1536 at Stadacona · events of December 1535 to April 1536; printed 1545

15.4

Notre Capitaine voyant la pitié et maladie ainsi esmeue, fit mettre le monde en prières et oraisons, et fit porter une Image et remembrance de la Vierge Marie contre un arbre, distant de notre Fort d'un traict d'arc, le travers les neiges et glaces, et ordonna que le Dimanche ensuivant l'on diroit au dit lieu la Messe, et que tous ceux qui pourroient cheminer tant sains que malades, iroient à la procession, chantans les sept Psaulmes de David, avec la Litanie, en priant la dite Vierge qu'il luy plust prier son Cher Enfant qu'il eust pitié de nous : et la Messe dite et chantée devant la dite Image, se fit le Capitaine Pélerin à Nostre Dame, qui se fait de prier à Rocquemadou ; promettant y aller, si Dieu luy donnoit grace de retourner en France. Celuy jour trépassa Philippe Rougemont, natif d'Amboise, de l'âge d'environ vingt ans.

Our captain saw our misery and how the sickness had spread, and he set everyone to praying. He had an image of the Virgin Mary taken over the snow and ice and set against a tree, a bowshot from our fort. He ordered that Mass be said there on the following Sunday. All who could walk, sick or well, were to go in the procession and sing the seven Psalms of David with the Litany. They were to pray the Virgin to ask her dear Child to have pity on us. After the Mass was said and sung before the image, our captain made a vow. If God gave him the grace to return to France, he would go as a pilgrim to Our Lady, who is prayed to at Rocquemadou. That day Philippe Rougemont died, a native of Amboise, about twenty years old.

15.7

Et pour couvrir la dite maladie lorsqu'ils venoient près de notre Fort, notre Capitaine, que Dieu a toujours préservé debout, sortoit au devant d'eux avecque deux ou trois hommes tant sains, que malades, lesquels il faisoit sortir après luy; et lorsqu'il les voyoit hors du parc, faisoit semblant de les vouloir battre, et criant, et leur jettant bâtons après eux, les envoyant à bord, montrant par signes ès dits Sauvages qu'il faisoit bésogner ses gens dedans les Navires : les uns à gallifester, les autres à faire du pain et autres besognes, et qu'il n'estoit pas bon qu'ils vinssent chomer dehors : ce qu'ils croyoient. Et faisoit le dit Capitaine battre et mener bruit ès dits malades dedans les Navires avec bâtons et cailloux, feignans gallifester: Et pour lors estions si épris de la die maladie, qu'avions quasi perdus l'espérance de jamais retourner en France, si Dieu par sa bonté infinie et miséricorde ne nous eust regardé en pitié, et donné connoissance d'un remède contre toutes maladies, le plus excellent qui fut jamais vu ni trouvé sur la terre, ainsi que nous dirons dans le chapitre suivant.

The people of the country came near our fort, and we had to hide the sickness from them. So our captain, whom God always kept on his feet, went out to meet them. He took two or three men with him, some well and some sick, and had them follow him out. Once they were outside the enclosure, he pretended he wanted to beat them. He shouted and threw sticks after them and sent them back on board. He showed the Savages by signs that he kept his men working inside the ships. Some were calking and others making bread or doing other jobs, and it was no good for them to come idling outside. And they believed it. The captain also had the sick men inside the ships bang and make noise with sticks and stones, pretending to calk. By then we were so stricken by the sickness that we had nearly given up hope of ever seeing France again. But God in his endless goodness and mercy looked on us with pity. He let us learn of a remedy against all sicknesses, the most excellent ever seen or found on earth, as we will tell in the next chapter.

17.3

Tot-après le Capitaine fit faire du breuvage pour faire boire ès malades, desquels n'y en avoit nul d'eux qui voulut icelui essayer, sinon un ou deux qui se mirent en aventure d'icelui essayer. Tot-après qu'ils en eurent bu ils eurent l'avantage, qui se trouva être un vray et évident miracle. Car de toutes maladies de quoy ils estoient entachés, après en avoir bu deux ou trois fois, recouvrèrent santé et guérison ; tellement que tel des Compagnons qui avoit la vérole puis cinq ou six ans auparavant la dite maladie, a esté par la dite médecine curé nettement. Après ce avoir vu, y a une telle presse qu'on se vouloit tuer sur la dite médecine à qui premier en auroit : de sorte qu'un arbre aussi gros et aussi grand que je vis jamais arbre, a esté employé en moins de huit jours; lequel a fait telle opération, que si tous les médecins de Louvain et Montpellier y eussent esté avec toutes les drogues d'Alexandrie, ils n'en eussent pas fait tant en un an, que le dit arbre a fait en huit jours. Car, il nous a tellement profité, que tous ceux qui en ont voulu user ont recouvert santé et guérison ; la grâce à Dieu.

Right away the captain had the drink made for the sick. Not one of them wanted to try it, except one or two who took the risk. The moment they drank it, they felt the good of it, and this turned out to be a true and plain miracle. After two or three drinks they were cured of every sickness they had, and their health came back. One of the companions had had the pox for five or six years before this sickness, and he was cured cleanly by this medicine. After seeing this, the men pressed so hard for the medicine that they nearly killed one another to be first to get some. So a tree as thick and as tall as any tree I ever saw was gone in less than eight days. It worked wonders. If every doctor in Louvain and Montpellier had been there with every drug in Alexandria, they could not have done as much in a year as this tree did in eight days. It did us so much good that everyone who was willing to use it got back health and was cured, thanks be to God.

Naked and Starving on the Gulf Coast

Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca, The Account (Zamora, 1542), chapter 12, on the Isle of Misfortune, November 1528 · printed 1542 (events of November 1528)

12.5

Plugo á nuestro Señor que, buscando los tizones del fuego que allí habíamos hecho, hallamos lumbre, con que hicimos grandes fuegos; y ansí, estuvimos pidiendo á nuestro Señor misericordia y perdon de nuestros pecados, derramando muchas lágrimas, habiendo cada uno lástima, no solo de sí, mas de todos los otros, que en el mismo estado vian. Y á hora de puesto el sol, los indios, creyendo que no nos habíamos ido, nos volvieron á buscar y á traernos de comer; mas, cuando ellos nos vieron ansí en tan diferente hábito del primero, y en manera tan extraña, espantáronse tanto, que se volvieron atrás. Yo salí á ellos y llamélos, y vinieron muy espantados; hícelos entender por señas cómo se nos habia hundido una barca, y se habían ahogado tres de nosotros; y allí en su presencia ellos mismos vieron dos muertos, y los que quedábamos íbamos aquel camino.

It pleased our Lord that, as we searched among the embers of the fire we had made there, we found some live coals. With them we built big fires. And so we prayed to our Lord for mercy and the forgiveness of our sins, weeping many tears. Each of us felt pity not only for himself but for all the others, whom he saw in the same state. At sunset the Indians, thinking we had not left, came back to look for us and to bring us food. But when they saw us in such a different state from before, and so strange to look at, they were so frightened that they drew back. I went out to them and called them, and they came, very frightened. I made them understand by signs that one of our boats had sunk and three of us had drowned. There in front of them they saw two of our dead themselves, and the rest of us were going the same way.

A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies (Opening)

Bartolomé de las Casas, A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies (written 1542, printed Seville, 1552), the opening · written 1542, printed 1552 (events from 1493)

4

Todas estas universas é infinitas gentes, á todo género crió Dios los mas simples, sin maldades ni dobleces, obedientisimas, fidelisimas á sus Señores naturales y á los Cristianos á quien sirven, mas humildes, mas pacientes, mas pacíficas y quietas, sin rencillas ni bollicios, no rixôsos, no querulosos, sin rancores, sin odios, sin desear venganzas que hay en el mundo.

God created all these countless peoples, of every kind, the most simple in the world. They are without malice or deceit, most obedient and most faithful to their own lords and to the Christians they serve. They are the most humble, most patient, most peaceful and quiet people in the world. They have no quarrels or brawls, no fighting, no complaining, no grudges, no hatreds, and no wish for revenge.

16

La causa porque han muerto y destruido tantas y tales y tan infinito número de ánimas los Cristianos, ha sido solamente por tener por su fin último el oro, y henchirse de riquezas en muy breves dias, y subir á estados muy altos y sin proporcion de sus personas, conviene á saber, por la insaciable codicia y ambicion que han tenido, que ha sido mayor que en el mundo ser pudo, por ser aquellas tierras tan felices y tan ricas, y las gentes tan humildes, tan pacientes y tan fáciles á sujetarlas; á las quales no han tenido mas respeto, ni dellas han hecho mas cuenta ni estima (hablo con verdad, por lo que sé y he visto todo el dicho tiempo) no digo que de bestias, porque pluguiera á Dios que como á bestias las hubieran tratado y estimado; pero cómo y ménos que estiércol de las plazas.

The Christians have killed and destroyed so many souls, so infinite a number, for one reason alone. Their final goal has been gold. They wanted to fill themselves with riches in a very few days and to rise to very high positions far beyond their station. This came from their insatiable greed and ambition, greater than any the world has seen, because those lands are so fortunate and so rich, and the people so humble, so patient, and so easy to conquer. The Spaniards have had no more respect for them, and valued them no more, than the dung in the streets, and less. I do not say than beasts, for I wish to God they had treated them as well as beasts. I speak the truth, from what I know and have seen all this time.

The Sickness That Followed the English

Thomas Harriot, A Brief and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia (London, 1588; Frankfurt, 1590), on the colony's year at Roanoke, 1585–1586 · events of 1585–1586; first printed London, dated February 1588 (February 1589 in our calendar); reprinted Frankfurt 1590

4

And thereupon when it had happened that they had vnderstanding that any of their enemies had abused vs in our iourneyes, hearing that wee had wrought no reuenge with our weapons, & fearing vpon some cause the matter should so rest: did come and intreate vs that we woulde bee a meanes to our God that they as others that had dealt ill with vs might in like sort die; alleaging howe much it would be for our credite and profite, as also theirs; and hoping furthermore that we would do so much at their requests in respect of the friendship we professe them.

And so, when they had learned that any of their enemies had wronged us on our journeys, and heard that we had taken no revenge with our weapons, they feared for some reason that the matter would rest there. They came and begged us to ask our God that their enemies, like others who had dealt badly with us, might die in the same way. They argued how much it would add to our reputation and profit, and to theirs as well. And they hoped, too, that we would do this much at their request, because of the friendship we professed for them.

12

And other some saide that it was the speciall woorke of God for our sakes, as wee our selues haue cause in some sorte to thinke no lesse, whatsoeuer some doe or maie imagine to the contrarie, specially some Astrologers knowing of the Eclipse of the Sunne which wee saw the same yeere before in our voyage thytherward, which vnto them appeared very terrible. And also of a Comet which beganne to appeare but a few daies before the beginning of the said sicknesse. But to exclude them from being the speciall an accident, there are farther reasons then I thinke fit at this present to bee alleadged.

And others said that it was the special work of God for our sakes, as we ourselves have some cause to think too, whatever some do or may imagine to the contrary. Some astrologers especially think otherwise. They know of the eclipse of the sun which we saw earlier that same year on our voyage there, which seemed very terrible to them. They know also of a comet which began to appear only a few days before the sickness began. But to rule them out as the special causes of so special an event, there are further reasons than I think fit to give at present.

The Mi'kmaq and the French, and the Sickness among Them

Pierre Biard, Relation de la Nouvelle France (Lyon, 1616), chapter 6, on why the Mi'kmaq were so few · printed 1616 (on what Biard saw and heard in Acadia, 1611–1613)

7

Pleust à Dieu, que les Chrestiens, qui vont à eux ne dõnassent en cela point de scandale. Mais auiourd'huy si on soupçonne aucun Sauuage d'auoir desrobé, aussi tost il vous mettra deuant le nez ceste belle defense. Nous ne sommes point larrons, comme vous, Ilinen auio aciquoan guiro derquir.

I wish to God that the Christians who go among them gave no bad example in this. But nowadays, if you suspect a Savage of stealing, he will at once throw this fine defense in your face: “We are not thieves, like you.” Ilinen auio aciquoan guiro derquir.

The First Winter and Squanto's Corn

William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, on the winter and spring of 1620–1621 (written in the 1630s–1640s) · events of the winter and spring of 1620–1621; written about 1630–1650

2

And of these in ye time of most distres, ther was but 6. or 7. sound persons, who, to their great comendations be it spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but with abundance of toyle and hazard of their owne health, fetched them woode, made them fires, drest them meat, made their beads, washed their lothsome cloaths, cloathed & uncloathed them; in a word, did all ye homly & necessarie offices for them wch dainty & quesie stomacks cannot endure to hear named; and all this willingly & cherfully, without any grudging in ye least, shewing herein their true love unto their freinds & bretheren. A rare example & worthy to be remembred. Tow of these 7. were Mr. William Brewster, ther reverend Elder, & Myles Standish, ther Captein & military comander, unto whom my selfe, & many others, were much beholden in our low & sicke condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these persons, as in this generall calamity they were not at all infected either with sicknes, or lamnes. And what I have said of these, I may say of many others who dyed in this generall vissitation, & others yet living, that whilst they had health, yea, or any strength continuing, they were not wanting to any that had need of them. And I doute not but their recompence is with ye Lord.

And of these, in the time of worst distress, there were only six or seven healthy persons. To their great credit be it said, they spared no pains, night or day. With great toil and risk to their own health, they fetched wood for the sick, made them fires, cooked their food, made their beds, washed their loathsome clothes, and dressed and undressed them. In a word, they did all the humble and necessary tasks for them that dainty and queasy stomachs cannot bear to hear named. And they did all this willingly and cheerfully, without the least grudging, showing in this their true love for their friends and brothers. It was a rare example, and worthy to be remembered. Two of these seven were Mr. William Brewster, their reverend elder, and Myles Standish, their captain and military commander. I myself and many others were much indebted to them in our low and sick condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these persons that in this general calamity they were not at all infected with either sickness or lameness. And what I have said of these I may say of many others who died in this general visitation, and of others still living. While they had health, or indeed any strength left, they did not fail anyone who needed them. And I do not doubt that their reward is with the Lord.

8

After these things he returned to his place caled Sowams, some 40. mile from this place, but Squanto contiũed with them, and was their interpreter, and was a spetiall instrument sent of God for their good beyond their expectation. He directed them how to set their corne, wher to take fish, and to procure other comodities, and was also their pilott to bring them to unknowne places for their profitt, and never left them till he dyed.

After these things he returned to his place, called Sowams, some forty miles from here. But Squanto stayed with them and was their interpreter, and he was a special instrument sent by God for their good, beyond their expectation. He showed them how to plant their corn, where to catch fish, and how to get other useful goods. He was also their guide, to bring them to unknown places for their profit, and he never left them till he died.

Corn, Land, and the Women's Fields

Roger Williams, A Key into the Language of America (London, 1643), chapter 16, on the Narragansett · printed London 1643, from Williams's years among the Narragansett from the early 1630s

16.4

Wuttáhimneash, Strawberries. Obs: This Berry is the wonder of all the Fruits growing naturally in those parts: it is of itselfe Excellent: so that one of the chiefest Doctors of England was wont to say, that God could have made, but God never did make a better Berry: In some parts where the Natives have planted, I have many times seen as many as would fill a good ship within a few miles compasse: The Indians bruise them in a Morter, and mixe them with meale and make Strawberry bread.

Wuttáhimneash: strawberries. Observation: This berry is the wonder of all the fruits growing naturally in those parts. It is excellent in itself, so that one of the chief doctors of England used to say that God could have made a better berry, but God never did. In some parts where the natives have planted, I have many times seen as many as would fill a good ship within a few miles' range. The Indians bruise them in a mortar and mix them with meal, and make strawberry bread.

A diary for every day of the year

Samuel Pepys, from his diary (London, 1660–1669), in the edition of Henry B. Wheatley (London, 1893–99) · January 1660 to June 1669, written day by day (modern calendar)

1666-12-25

Lay pretty long in bed, and then rose, leaving my wife desirous to sleep, having sat up till four this morning seeing her mayds make mince-pies. I to church, where our parson Mills made a good sermon. Then home, and dined well on some good ribbs of beef roasted and mince pies; only my wife, brother, and Barker, and plenty of good wine of my owne, and my heart full of true joy; and thanks to God Almighty for the goodness of my condition at this day.

Lay rather long in bed, and then rose, leaving my wife wanting to sleep, since she had sat up till four this morning watching her maids make mince pies. I [went] to church, where our parson Mills preached a good sermon. Then home, and dined well on some good roast ribs of beef and mince pies; only my wife, brother, and Barker [with me], and plenty of good wine of my own, and my heart full of true joy; and thanks to God Almighty for the goodness of my condition at this day.

1662-03-27

Early Sir G. Carteret, both Sir Williams and I by coach to Deptford, it being very windy and rainy weather, taking a codd and some prawnes in Fish Street with us. We settled to pay the Guernsey, a small ship, but come to a great deal of money, it having been unpaid ever since before the King came in, by which means not only the King pays wages while the ship has lain still, but the poor men have most of them been forced to borrow all the money due for their wages before they receive it, and that at a dear rate, God knows, so that many of them had very little to receive at the table, which grieved me to see it. To dinner, very merry. Then Sir George to London, and we again to the pay, and that done by coach home again and to the office, doing some business, and so home and to bed.

Early, Sir G. Carteret, both Sir Williams and I [went] by coach to Deptford, it being very windy and rainy weather, taking a cod and some prawns from Fish Street with us. We settled to pay [the crew of] the Guernsey, a small ship, but it came to a great deal of money, having been unpaid ever since before the King came in. Because of this, not only does the King pay wages while the ship has lain idle, but the poor men have most of them been forced to borrow all the money due for their wages before they receive it, and that at a high rate, God knows. So many of them had very little to receive at the table, which grieved me to see. To dinner, very merry. Then Sir George [went] to London, and we [went] back to the pay. When that was done, [we went] home again by coach and to the office, doing some business, and so home and to bed.

A London Diary of the Plague Year, 1665

Samuel Pepys, Diary, 1665, edited by Henry B. Wheatley (1893–99) · June 7–December 31, 1665

1665-06-10

In the evening home to supper; and there, to my great trouble, hear that the plague is come into the City (though it hath these three or four weeks since its beginning been wholly out of the City); but where should it begin but in my good friend and neighbour’s, Dr. Burnett, in Fanchurch Street: which in both points troubles me mightily. To the office to finish my letters and then home to bed, being troubled at the sicknesse, and my head filled also with other business enough, and particularly how to put my things and estate in order, in case it should please God to call me away, which God dispose of to his glory!

In the evening home to supper; and there, to my great trouble, hear that the plague is come into the City (though it hath these three or four weeks since its beginning been wholly out of the City); but where should it begin but in my good friend and neighbor’s, Dr. Burnett, in Fenchurch Street: which in both points troubles me mightily. To the office to finish my letters and then home to bed, being troubled at the sickness, and my head filled also with other business enough, and particularly how to put my things and estate in order, in case it should please God to call me away, which God dispose of to his glory!

1665-06-17

It struck me very deep this afternoon going with a hackney coach from my Lord Treasurer’s down Holborne, the coachman I found to drive easily and easily, at last stood still, and come down hardly able to stand, and told me that he was suddenly struck very sicke, and almost blind, he could not see; so I ‘light and went into another coach, with a sad heart for the poor man and trouble for myself, lest he should have been struck with the plague, being at the end of the towne that I took him up; but God have mercy upon us all!

It struck me very deep this afternoon, going with a hackney coach from my Lord Treasurer’s down Holborn: the coachman I found to drive easily and easily, at last stood still, and come down hardly able to stand, and told me that he was suddenly struck very sick, and almost blind, he could not see. So I ’light and went into another coach, with a sad heart for the poor man and trouble for myself, lest he should have been struck with the plague, being at the end of the town that I took him up; but God have mercy upon us all!

1665-10-16

Thence I walked to the Tower; but, Lord! how empty the streets are and melancholy, so many poor sick people in the streets full of sores; and so many sad stories overheard as I walk, every body talking of this dead, and that man sick, and so many in this place, and so many in that. And they tell me that, in Westminster, there is never a physician and but one apothecary left, all being dead; but that there are great hopes of a great decrease this week: God send it!

Thence I walked to the Tower; but, Lord! how empty the streets are, and melancholy, so many poor sick people in the streets full of sores; and so many sad stories overheard as I walk, everybody talking of this dead, and that man sick, and so many in this place, and so many in that. And they tell me that in Westminster there is never a physician, and but one apothecary left, all being dead; but that there are great hopes of a great decrease this week: God send it!

A Winter of Famine by Lake Superior

Pierre-Esprit Radisson, account of his voyage to Lake Superior, written in English about 1668–1669, on the winter of 1659–1660 · events of the winter of 1659–1660; written about 1668–1669

5

How shall we have strength to make a hole in the snow to lay us downe, seeing we have it not to hale our racketts after us, nor to cutt a litle woad to make a fire to keepe us from the rigour of the cold, which is extreame in those Countreyes in its season. Oh! if the musick that we heare could give us recreation, we wanted not any lamentable musick nor sad spectacle. In the morning the husband looks uppon his wife, the Brother his sister, the cozen the cozen, the Oncle the nevew, that weare for the most part found deade. They languish with cryes & hideous noise that it was able to make the haire starre on the heads that have any apprehension. Good God, have mercy on so many poore innocent people, and of us that acknowledge thee, that having offended thee punishes us.

How could we have the strength to make a hole in the snow to lie down in? We did not have the strength to drag our snowshoes after us, or to cut a little wood to make a fire to keep us from the bitter cold, which is extreme in those countries in its season. Oh! If the music we heard could have given us comfort, we did not lack mournful music, or sad sights. In the morning the husband looked at his wife, the brother at his sister, the cousin at the cousin, the uncle at the nephew, and for the most part they were found dead. They wasted away with cries and hideous noise, enough to make the hair stand on end on anyone with feeling. Good God, have mercy on so many poor innocent people, and on us who acknowledge you, who have offended you and whom you punish.

What the Africans of Boston Knew about Inoculation

Cotton Mather and Zabdiel Boylston, Some Account of What Is Said of Inoculating or Transplanting the Small Pox (Boston, 1721) · 1721

4

Here we have a clear Evidence, that in Africa, where the Poor Creatures dye of the Small Pox in the common way like Rotten Sheep, a Merciful GOD has taught them a wonderful Preservative.

Here we have a clear evidence that in Africa, where the poor creatures die of the smallpox in the common way like rotten sheep, a merciful God has taught them a wonderful preservative.

A Sermon against Inoculation

Edmund Massey, A Sermon against the Dangerous and Sinful Practice of Inoculation (preached in London, 1722), text from the Boston reprint of the third edition (1730) · preached July 8, 1722

2

I chuse to Instance in the Infliction of Diseases, which I will attempt to prove are utterly unlawful to be inflicted by any who profess themselves Christians. Indeed where the Doctrines of Salvation are not known, and a regular Dependance upon Providence is postponed to the absurd belief of a Fatality; there it is no wonder to see Men give into impious or unreasonable Practices: But in a Country where better Principles are established, where God's Government of the World is for the most Part undisputed, and slavish implicit Belief happily superseded by rational Enquiries; in such a Place, methinks, Men cannot easily be reconciled to a Practice, which abuses their Understanding, as well as insults their Religion; and if the received Notions of God's Providence be just, has its Foundation in Ignorance, and must be maintained (if at all) by Presumption.

I choose to instance in the infliction of diseases, which I will attempt to prove are utterly unlawful to be inflicted by any who profess themselves Christians. Indeed where the doctrines of salvation are not known, and a regular dependence upon Providence is postponed to the absurd belief of a fatality, there it is no wonder to see men give into impious or unreasonable practices. But in a country where better principles are established, where God’s government of the world is for the most part undisputed, and slavish implicit belief happily superseded by rational inquiries, in such a place, methinks, men cannot easily be reconciled to a practice which abuses their understanding, as well as insults their religion. And if the received notions of God’s Providence be just, [the practice] has its foundation in ignorance, and must be maintained (if at all) by presumption.

4

2. The Good of Mankind, the seeking whereof is one of the Fundamental Laws of Nature, is, I know, pleaded in Defence of the Practice I contend against: But I must profess my self at a Loss, to find or understand, how that has been, or can be promoted hereby: For if by Good be meant the Preservation of Life, it is in the first Place a Question, Whether Life be a Good, or not? But if it be, the Preservation of it will be found as little beholden to this Practice, as any other Invention whatsoever. The confessed Miscarriages in this new Method, are more than have happened in the ordinary Way: And if this be our Case now, how much worse must it needs prove, if God for our Presumption, and contemptuous distrust of his good Providence, should suffer this Delusion to gain Ground, and these Physicians of no Value, these forgers of Lies, (as Job expresses it ) to obtain and grow into Credit among us: Such I fear they may be accounted, who so confidently tell us, what is impossible for them to know; namely, that they who undergo their Experiment, are for ever thereby secured from any future Danger and Infection: This is a bold Assertion indeed, and if such Experiment were lawful, and consistent with the Rules of Christian Practice, I could wish to God it were true also: But if neither of these be the Case, if the two Requisites, Prevention, and Lawfulness be wanting; I believe I may venture to affirm, that the most learned and judicious among the Professors of Physick will never give into so destructive a Scheme. And I hope the Time is coming, that these Venefici, these Spreaders of Infection, will be distinguished from those of the Faculty, who deserve Honour, and not permitted to mingle with them, as the Devil among the Sons of God, lest like the Disease-Giving Practitioner, the Harlot whom Solomon describes, they entice us, till a Dart strike through our Liver, and we haste to their Snare, not knowing that it is for our Life. Besides, I cannot apprehend how it conduces to the Preservation of Mankind, to force a dangerous Distemper upon them, which possibly may never happen unto them, and if it should, may probably be attended with very little, if any Inconvenience; and as before has been hinted, is no Sucurity against future Contagion. This is unequally to stake a Substance against a Shadow, to make Men run into a real Danger, lest they should happen to fall into an accidental One, and contributes no more to the Preservation of Mankind, than it would redound to the Honour of a well provided City, to invite the Enemy and surrender now, for fear lest sometime hence, they should possibly be surpris'd and taken.

2. The good of mankind, the seeking whereof is one of the fundamental laws of nature, is, I know, pleaded in defense of the practice I contend against. But I must profess myself at a loss to find or understand how that has been, or can be, promoted hereby. For if by good be meant the preservation of life, it is in the first place a question whether life be a good, or not. But if it be, the preservation of it will be found as little beholden to this practice as any other invention whatsoever. The confessed miscarriages in this new method are more than have happened in the ordinary way. And if this be our case now, how much worse must it needs prove, if God, for our presumption and contemptuous distrust of his good Providence, should suffer this delusion to gain ground, and these physicians of no value, these forgers of lies (as Job expresses it), to obtain and grow into credit among us! Such I fear they may be accounted who so confidently tell us what is impossible for them to know: namely, that they who undergo their experiment are forever thereby secured from any future danger and infection. This is a bold assertion indeed, and if such experiment were lawful, and consistent with the rules of Christian practice, I could wish to God it were true also. But if neither of these be the case, if the two requisites, prevention and lawfulness, be wanting, I believe I may venture to affirm that the most learned and judicious among the professors of physic will never give into so destructive a scheme. And I hope the time is coming that these venefici, these spreaders of infection, will be distinguished from those of the faculty who deserve honor, and not permitted to mingle with them, as the Devil among the sons of God, lest, like the disease-giving practitioner, the harlot whom Solomon describes, they entice us, till a dart strike through our liver, and we haste to their snare, not knowing that it is for our life. Besides, I cannot apprehend how it conduces to the preservation of mankind to force a dangerous distemper upon them which possibly may never happen unto them, and if it should, may probably be attended with very little, if any, inconvenience, and, as before has been hinted, is no security against future contagion. This is unequally to stake a substance against a shadow, to make men run into a real danger lest they should happen to fall into an accidental one, and contributes no more to the preservation of mankind than it would redound to the honor of a well-provided city to invite the enemy and surrender now, for fear lest sometime hence they should possibly be surprised and taken.

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Could then these bold Practitioners lessen the Severity of this Disease; could they entirely secure Men from Danger under it, could they say to the Distemper, as Almighty God does to the proud Waves of the Sea, Hitherto shalt thou come, but no farther; could they, I say, do all this, I do not see what Good Mankind would get in the main; they would, 'tis true, have one Danger less to fear, but that would be no real Kindness; forasmuch as it would be the Occasion of their running into a great many more, and if they should happen to be more healthy, 'tis a great Chance but they would be less Righteous.

Could then these bold practitioners lessen the severity of this disease, could they entirely secure men from danger under it, could they say to the distemper, as Almighty God does to the proud waves of the sea, “Hitherto shalt thou come, but no farther”; could they, I say, do all this, I do not see what good mankind would get in the main. They would, ’tis true, have one danger less to fear, but that would be no real kindness, forasmuch as it would be the occasion of their running into a great many more. And if they should happen to be more healthy, ’tis a great chance but they would be less righteous.

The Yellow Fever in Philadelphia, 1793

Benjamin Rush, An Account of the Bilious Remitting Yellow Fever (Philadelphia, 1794) · 1794 (events of 1793)

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But I did not rely upon purging alone, to cure the disease. The theory of its proximate cause, which I had adopted, led me to use other remedies, to abstract excess of stimulus from the system. These were blood-letting, cool air, cold drinks, low diet, and applications of cold water to the body. I had bled Mrs Bradford, Mrs Leaming, and one of Mrs Palmer's sons with success, early in the month of August. But I had witnessed the bad effects of bleeding in the first week in September, in two of my patients who had been bled without my knowledge, and who appeared to have died in consequence of it. I had moreover, heard of a man who had been bled on the first day of the disorder, who died in twelve hours afterwards. These cases produced caution, but they did not deter me from bleeding as soon as I found the disease to change its type, and instead of tending to a crisis on the third, to protract itself to a later day. I began by drawing a small quantity at a time. The appearance of the blood, and its effects upon the system, satisfied me of its safety and efficacy. Never before did I experience such sublime joy as I now felt in contemplating the success of my remedies. It repaid me for all the toils and studies of my life. The conquest of this formidable disease, was not the effect of accident, nor of the application of a single remedy; but, it was the triumph of a principle in medicine. The reader will not wonder at this joyful state of my mind, when I add a short extract from my note book, dated the 10th of September. "Thank God! Out of one hundred patients, whom I have visited, or prescribed for, this day, I have lost none."

But I did not rely upon purging alone to cure the disease. The theory of its proximate cause, which I had adopted, led me to use other remedies, to abstract excess of stimulus from the system. These were bloodletting, cool air, cold drinks, low diet, and applications of cold water to the body. I had bled Mrs. Bradford, Mrs. Leaming, and one of Mrs. Palmer’s sons with success, early in the month of August. But I had witnessed the bad effects of bleeding in the first week in September, in two of my patients who had been bled without my knowledge, and who appeared to have died in consequence of it. I had, moreover, heard of a man who had been bled on the first day of the disorder, who died in twelve hours afterwards. These cases produced caution, but they did not deter me from bleeding as soon as I found the disease to change its type and, instead of tending to a crisis on the third [day], to protract itself to a later day. I began by drawing a small quantity at a time. The appearance of the blood, and its effects upon the system, satisfied me of its safety and efficacy. Never before did I experience such sublime joy as I now felt in contemplating the success of my remedies. It repaid me for all the toils and studies of my life. The conquest of this formidable disease was not the effect of accident, nor of the application of a single remedy; but it was the triumph of a principle in medicine. The reader will not wonder at this joyful state of my mind, when I add a short extract from my notebook, dated September 10. “Thank God! Out of one hundred patients whom I have visited or prescribed for this day, I have lost none.”

We Have Seen More Humanity: An Answer to Carey

Absalom Jones and Richard Allen, A Narrative of the Proceedings of the Black People, during the Late Awful Calamity in Philadelphia (1794) · January 1794 (events of August–November 1793)

2

Early in September, a solicitation appeared in the public papers, to the people of colour to come forward and assist the distressed, perishing, and neglected sick; with a kind of assurance, that people of our colour were not liable to take the infection. Upon which we and a few others met and consulted how to act on so truly alarming and melancholy an occasion. After some conversation, we found a freedom to go forth, confiding in him who can preserve in the midst of a burning fiery furnace, sensible that it was our duty to do all the good we could to our suffering fellow mortals. We set out to see where we could be useful. The first we visited was a man in Emsley's alley, who was dying, and his wife lay dead at the time in the house, there were none to assist but two poor helpless children. We administered what relief we could, and applied to the overseers of the poor to have the woman buried. We visited upwards of twenty families that day — they were scenes of woe indeed! The Lord was pleased to strengthen us, and remove all fear from us, and disposed our hearts to be as useful as possible.

Early in September, a solicitation appeared in the public papers to the people of color to come forward and assist the distressed, perishing, and neglected sick, with a kind of assurance that people of our color were not liable to take the infection. Upon which we and a few others met and consulted how to act on so truly alarming and melancholy an occasion. After some conversation, we found a freedom to go forth, confiding in Him who can preserve in the midst of a burning fiery furnace, sensible that it was our duty to do all the good we could to our suffering fellow mortals. We set out to see where we could be useful. The first we visited was a man in Emsley’s Alley who was dying, and his wife lay dead at the time in the house; there were none to assist but two poor helpless children. We administered what relief we could, and applied to the overseers of the poor to have the woman buried. We visited upwards of twenty families that day. They were scenes of woe indeed! The Lord was pleased to strengthen us, and remove all fear from us, and disposed our hearts to be as useful as possible.

An Island Surrounded by Quarantines

Alexander Pushkin, letters from Boldino, 1830, in his Works, vol. 6, edited by S. A. Vengerov (1915) · October–November 1830

6

Изъ Моск. Вѣдомостей, единственнаго журнала доходящаго до меня, вижу любезный и почтенный Михайло Петровичъ что вы не оставили Матушки нашей. Дважды порывался я къ Вамъ, но карантины опять отбрасывали меня на мой несносный островокъ откуда простираю къ Вамъ руки и вопію гласомъ велимъ. Пошлите мнѣ слово живое, ради Бога. Никто мнѣ ничего непишетъ. Думаютъ что я холерой схваченъ или зачахъ въ карантинѣ. Не знаю гдѣ и что моя невѣста. Знаете-ли вы, можете-ли узнать? ради Бога узнайте и отпишите мнѣ: въ Лукояновскій Уѣздъ въ село Абрамово, для пересылки въ село Болдино.

From the Moscow Gazette, the only paper that reaches me, I see, my dear and esteemed Mikhail Petrovich, that you have not left our Mother Moscow. Twice I have tried to break through to you, but the quarantines threw me back again onto my unbearable little island. From here I stretch out my hands to you and cry out with a loud voice. Send me a living word, for God’s sake. No one writes to me at all. They think I’ve caught the cholera or wasted away in quarantine. I don’t know where my bride is or how she is. Do you know, or can you find out? For God’s sake, find out and write to me: Lukoyanov District, village of Abramovo, to be forwarded to the village of Boldino.

A free ticket on an early pleasure cruise

William Makepeace Thackeray (“Mr. M. A. Titmarsh”), Notes of a Journey from Cornhill to Grand Cairo, 1846, on his P&O voyage of 1844 · voyage of 1844; preface and book published 1846

vigo-2

The sight of that noble scene cured all the woes and discomfitures of sea-sickness at once, and if there were any need to communicate such secrets to the public, one might tell of much more good that the pleasant morning-watch effected ; but there are a set of emotions about which a man had best be shy of talking lightly, — and the feelings excited by contemplating this vast, magnificent, harmonious Nature are among these. The view of it inspires a delight and ecstasy which is not only hard to describe, but which has something secret in it that a man should not utter loudly. Hope, memory, humility, tender yearnings towards dear friends, and inexpressible love and reverence towards the Power which created the infinite universe blazing above eternally, and the vast ocean shining and rolling around — fill the heart with a solemn, humble happiness, that a person dwelling in a city has rarely occasion to enjoy. They are coming away from London parties at this time : the dear little eyes are closed in sleep under mother's wing. How far off city cares and pleasures appear to be! how small and mean they seem, dwindling out of sight before this magnificent brightness of Nature ! But the best thoughts only grow and strengthen under it. Heaven shines above, and the humbled spirit looks up reverently towards that boundless aspect of wisdom and beauty. You are at home, and with all at rest there, however far away they may be; and through the distance the heart broods over them, bright and wakeful like yonder peaceful stars overhead.

The sight of that noble scene cured all the woes and discomforts of seasickness at once. If there were any need to tell such secrets to the public, one might tell of much more good that the pleasant morning watch did. But there are some feelings that a man had best be shy of talking about lightly, and the feelings stirred by gazing on this vast, magnificent, harmonious Nature are among them. The view of it inspires a delight and ecstasy that is not only hard to describe, but has something secret in it that a man should not say aloud. Hope, memory, humility, tender longing for dear friends, and inexpressible love and reverence for the Power that created the infinite universe blazing forever above, and the vast ocean shining and rolling around—these fill the heart with a solemn, humble happiness that a person living in a city rarely has the chance to enjoy. At this hour they are coming away from London parties. The dear little eyes are closed in sleep under their mother's wing. How far off city cares and pleasures seem! How small and mean they look, dwindling out of sight before this magnificent brightness of Nature! But the best thoughts only grow and strengthen under it. Heaven shines above, and the humbled spirit looks up reverently toward that boundless face of wisdom and beauty. You are at home, and with everyone at rest there, however far away they may be. Across the distance the heart broods over them, bright and wakeful like those peaceful stars overhead.

vigo-3

The day was as fine and calm as the night ; at seven bells, suddenly a bell began to toll very much like that of a country church, and on going on deck we found an awning raised, a desk with a flag flung over it close to the compass, and the ship's company and passengers assembled there to hear the captain read the Service in a manly respectful voice. This, too, was a novel and touching sight to me. Peaked ridges of purple mountains rose to the left of the ship, —Finisterre and the coast of Gallicia. The sky above was cloudless and shining; the vast dark ocean smiled peacefully round about, and the ship went rolling over it, as the people within were praising the Maker of all.

The day was as fine and calm as the night. At seven bells, suddenly a bell began to toll, very much like that of a country church. On going on deck, we found an awning raised and a desk with a flag thrown over it, close to the compass. The ship's crew and passengers were gathered there to hear the captain read the Service in a manly, respectful voice. This, too, was a new and touching sight to me. Peaked ridges of purple mountains rose to the left of the ship: Finisterre and the coast of Galicia. The sky above was cloudless and shining. The vast dark ocean smiled peacefully all around, and the ship went rolling over it, while the people within were praising the Maker of all.

Stories from Tolstoy's Reading Primer

Leo Tolstoy, Azbuka, book 1 (St. Petersburg, 1872), Part Two · Written 1871–72; published November 1872

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Море широко и глубоко; конца морю не видно. Въ морѣ солнце встаётъ и въ морѣ садится. Дна моря никто не досталъ и не знаетъ. Когда вѣтра нѣтъ, море сине и гладко; когда подуетъ вѣтеръ, море всколыхается и станетъ неровно. Подымутся по морю волны; одна волна догоняетъ другую; онѣ сходятся, сталкиваются и съ нихъ брызжетъ бѣлая пѣна. Тогда корабли волнами кидаетъ, какъ щепки. Кто на морѣ не бывалъ, тотъ Богу не маливался.

The sea is wide and deep; the end of the sea cannot be seen. In the sea the sun rises, and in the sea it sets. No one has reached the bottom of the sea, and no one knows it. When there is no wind, the sea is blue and smooth; when the wind blows, the sea heaves and grows rough. Waves rise over the sea; one wave catches up with another; they meet, they crash together, and from them sprays white foam. Then the waves toss the ships like chips of wood. Whoever has not been to sea, he has never prayed to God.

We choose to go to the Moon

John F. Kennedy, address at Rice University, Houston, September 12, 1962, from the Public Papers of the Presidents (1963) · September 12, 1962

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Well, space is there, and we’re going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there. And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God’s blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.

Well, space is there, and we’re going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there. And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God’s blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.