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Ideas

Divine punishment and testing

The belief that God or the gods sent disease to punish wrongdoing or to test the faithful.

The Plague as a Test: A Bishop's Sermon at Carthage

Cyprian, "On the Mortality" (De mortalitate), sections 8–20 · c. 252–253 (during the epidemic at Carthage)

13.5

quando ergo infirmitas et inbecillitas et uastitas aliqua grassatur, tunc uirtus nostra perficitur, tunc fides si temptata perstiterit coronatur, sicut scriptum est: uasa figuli probat fornax et homines iustos temptatio tribulationis.

So when weakness and frailty and ruin of any kind rage among us, that is when our strength is made perfect, and when our faith, if it holds firm under testing, wins its crown, as Scripture says: "The furnace tests the potter's jars, and the trial of trouble tests the righteous."

14.1

Hoc quod nunc corporis uires solutus in fluxum uenter euiscerat, quod in faucium uulnera conceptus medullitus ignis exaestuat, quod adsiduo uomitu intestina quatiuntur, quod oculi ui sanguinis inardescunt, quod quorundam uel pedes uel aliquae membrorum partes contagio morbidae putredinis amputantur, quod per iacturas et damna corporum prorumpente languore uel debilitatur incessus uel auditus obstruitur uel caecatur aspectus, ad documentum proficit fidei.

The bowels now loosen into a flux and drain the body of its strength. A fire that starts deep in the marrow boils up into sores in the throat. The guts are shaken by constant vomiting. The eyes burn red with the force of the blood. In some people the feet, or other parts of the limbs, are cut off by the contagion of the diseased rot. In others the body is so damaged and broken as the sickness bursts out that they are left lame, or deaf, or blind. All of this serves to prove our faith.

16.1

Quid deinde illud, fratres dilectissimi, quale est, quam pertinens, quam necessarium, quod pestis ista et lues quae horribilis et feralis uidetur explorat iustitiam singulorum et mentes humani generis examinat, an infirmis seruiant sani, an propinqui cognatos pie diligant, an misereantur seruorum languentium domini, an deprecantes aegros non deserant medici, an feroces uiolentiam suam conprimant, an rapaces auaritiae furentis insatiabilem semper ardorem uel metu mortis extinguant, an ceruicem flectant superbi, an audaciam leniant inprobi, an pereuntibus caris uel sic aliquid diuites largiantur et donent sine herede morituri.

And then, dearest brothers, think what this means: how fitting it is, how necessary. This plague and pestilence, which seems so terrible and deadly, searches out the justice of each person and tests the minds of humankind. It asks whether the healthy serve the sick, whether relatives truly love their own family, and whether masters pity their sick slaves. It asks whether doctors stand by the sick who beg for their help, and whether the fierce hold back their violence. It asks whether the greedy, at least for fear of death, will put out the fire of their raging greed, which nothing ever satisfies. It asks whether the proud will bend their necks and the shameless will tame their boldness. And it asks whether the rich, at least now, as their loved ones die and they face death without heirs, will give something away.

The Plague at Constantinople

Procopius, History of the Wars, Book 2 (chapters 22–23) · c. 550 (events of 542; Books 1–7 made public in 551 at the earliest)

2.22.2

τούτῳ μέντοι τῷ κακῷ πρόφασίν τινα ἢ λόγῳ εἰπεῖν ἢ διανοίᾳ λογίσασθαι μηχανή τις οὐδεμία ἐστί, πλήν γε δὴ ὅσα ἐς τὸν θεὸν ἀναφέρεσθαι.

For this calamity, though, there is no way at all to put a cause into words, or even to work one out in the mind, except by tracing it back to God.

The Plague Comes to Messina and Catania

Anonymous of Catania, Sicilian History, printed in Rosario Gregorio’s Bibliotheca scriptorum (1791) · after April 1348 (events of October 1347 to April 1348)

27.2

Accidit ergo, quod de mense Octobris anno dominice Incarnationis MCCCXLVII. circa principium mensis Octobris prime Indictionis, duodecim galee Januensium, divinam fugientes ulcionem, quam Dominus noster pro eorum iniquitatibus desuper eis transmiserat, applicuerunt in portum civitatis Messane, talem secum morbum ossibus infixum deferentes, quod si quis cum aliquo ipsorum locutus fuisset, erat infirmitate effectus letali, quam mortem nullatenus evadere poterat inmediate.

In the year of the Lord’s Incarnation 1347, at the beginning of October, in the first indiction, twelve Genoese galleys put in at the port of the city of Messina. They were fleeing the vengeance of God, which our Lord had sent down on them for their sins. They brought with them a disease so fixed in their bones that anyone who had spoken with one of them caught a deadly sickness at once. He could in no way escape death.

To Himself, in the Plague Year

Petrarch, Letters in Verse 1.14, “To Himself,” edited by Domenico Rossetti (1831) · 1348

4

Sive est ira Dei, quod crimina nostra mereri
Certe ego crediderim, seu sola iniuria coeli,
Natura variante vices. Hic pestifer annus
Humano generi incubuit, flendumque minatur
Excidium, mortique favet densissimus aer.
Saevus ab infecto prospectat Iupiter axe;
Inde pluit morbos et tristia funera terris,
Staminaque immites properant abrumpere Parcae,
Omnia, si possent, pariter; vereorque superne
Quod cupiunt ne posse datum: tot pallida vulgi
Ora videns miseri, tot Tartara nigra petentes.

Perhaps it is the anger of God, and I would surely believe our crimes deserve it. Or perhaps it is only some harm from the sky, as nature changes its course. This deadly year has fallen on the human race. It threatens a destruction to weep over, and the thick air favors death. Savage Jupiter looks down from an infected sky. From there he rains down sickness and grim deaths on the earth. The cruel Fates hurry to cut the threads of life, all of them at once, if they could. When I see so many pale faces among the wretched common people, and so many heading for black Tartarus, I fear that heaven has given them the power to do what they want.

After the Mortality: Florence, 1348

Matteo Villani, Chronicle, book 1, edited by Francesco Gherardi Dragomanni (1846) · begun soon after 1348 (events of 1346–1350)

4

Quanto durava il tempo della moria in catuno parte. Avendo per cominciamento nel nostro princìpio a raccontare lo sterminio della generazione umana, e convenendone divisare il tempo e il modo, la qualità e la quantità di quella, stupidisce la mente appressandosi a scrivere la sentenzia, che la divina giustizia con molta misericordia mandò sopra gli uomini, degni per la corruzione del peccato di final giudizio. Ma pensando l’utilità salutevole che di questa memoria puole addivenire alle nazioni che dopo noi seguiranno, con più sicurtà del nostro animo così cominciamo.

To open this work I must tell of the destruction of the human race, and describe its time and manner, its nature and its extent. My mind is stunned as I come to write of the sentence that God’s justice, with great mercy, passed on mankind, who for their corruption by sin deserved the Last Judgment. But when I think how useful this record may be to the peoples who will come after us, I take heart and begin.

10

Essendo cominciata nella nostra città di Firenze, fu biasimata da’ discreti la sperienza veduta di molti, i quali si provvidono, e rinchiusono in luoghi solitari, e di sana aria forniti d’ogni buona cosa da vivere, ove non era sospetto di gente infetta; in diverse contrade il divino giudicio (a cui non si può serrare le porti) gli abbattè come gli altri che non s’erano provveduti. E molti altri, i quali si dispuosero alla morte per servire i loro parenti e amici malati, camparono avendo male, e assai non l’ebbono continovando quello servigio; per la qual cosa ciascuno si ravvide, e cominciarono senza sospetto ad aiutare e servire l’uno l’altro; onde molti guarirono, ed erano più sicuri a servire gli altri.

When it began in our city of Florence, wise people judged harshly what they saw happen to many. These people had provided for themselves and shut themselves up in lonely places with healthy air, stocked with every good thing for living, where there was no fear of infected people. Yet in various places God’s judgment, against which no one can lock the doors, struck them down like those who had made no such provision. Many others prepared themselves to die so that they could care for their sick relatives and friends. They fell ill but survived, and many did not get sick at all though they went on with that care. Seeing this, everyone saw their mistake, and people began to help and care for one another without fear. So many recovered, and they were safer in caring for others.

17

E secondo le novelle che sentire potemmo, niuna parte fu, in cui vivente in continenza si riserbasse, campati dal divino furore, stimando la mano di Dio essere stanca. Ma secondo il profeta Isaia, non è abbreviato il furore d’Iddio, nè la sua mano stanca, ma molto si compiace nella sua misericordia, e però lavora sostenendo, per ritrarre i peccatori a conversione e penitenzia, e punisce temperatamente.

From the news we could hear, there was no place where people restrained themselves and lived chastely. Having escaped God’s fury, they thought the hand of God was tired. But as the prophet Isaiah says, God’s fury is not shortened, nor is his hand tired. He delights greatly in his mercy, and so he holds back, to draw sinners to turn to him and repent, and he punishes in moderation.

O Happy People of the Future

Petrarch, Letters on Familiar Matters 8.7, edited by Giuseppe Fracassetti (1859) · 1349

6

Meremur haec quidem et graviora, non inficior; sed et maiores nostri meriti sunt, atque utinam non et posteri mererentur. Quid est ergo, iudicum iustissime, quid est, quod insigniter adeo in nostrum tempus ultionis tuae fervor incubuit? Quid est, quod cum culpae non desint, desunt exempla supplicii? Cum omnibus peccavimus, flagellamur soli.

We deserve all this, and worse; I do not deny it. But our ancestors deserved it too, and I wish our descendants did not. Then why, most just of judges, why has the heat of your vengeance fallen so heavily on our time? Why, when there has never been a lack of sins, has there been no punishment like this one? We have sinned with everyone, and we alone are flogged.

The Pestilence Comes to Florence, 1348

Giovanni Boccaccio, The Decameron, Introduction to the First Day, edited by Pietro Fanfani (1888) · about 1349–1353 (events of 1348)

1

Dico adunque che già erano gli anni della fruttifera Incarnazione del Figliuolo di Dio al numero pervenuti di mille trecento quarant'otto, quando nella egregia città di Fiorenza, oltre ad ogni altra italica bellissima, pervenne la mortifera pestilenza, la quale, per operazion de' corpi superiori o per le nostre inique opere, da giusta ira di Dio a nostra correzione mandata sopra i mortali, alquanti anni davanti nelle parti orientali incominciata, quelle d'innumerabile quantità di viventi avendo private, senza ristare, d'un luogo in un altro continuandosi, verso l'Occidente miserabilmente s'era ampliata.

I say, then, that it was the year 1348 since the fruitful Incarnation of the Son of God when the deadly pestilence came to the noble city of Florence, more beautiful than any other city in Italy. Whether it came through the workings of the heavenly bodies, or was sent upon us mortals by the just anger of God to correct our wicked ways, it had begun some years before in the lands of the East. There it had taken the lives of countless people. Then, without stopping, it had moved on from place to place and spread, wretchedly, toward the West.

11

Alcuni erano di più crudel sentimento (come che per avventura più fosse sicuro), dicendo niun'altra medicina essere contro alle pestilenze migliore né così buona, come il fuggire loro davanti: e da questo argomento mossi, non curando d'alcuna cosa se non di sé, assai et uomini e donne abbandonarono la propia città, le propie case, i lor luoghi, et i lor parenti e le lor cose, e cercarono l'altrui o almeno il lor contado, quasi l'ira di Dio a punire la iniquità degli uomini con quella pestilenza, non dove fossero procedesse, ma solamente a coloro opprimere li quali dentro alle mura della lor città si trovassero, commossa intendesse; o quasi avvisando niuna persona in quella dover rimanere, e la sua ultima ora esser venuta. E come che questi così variamente opinanti non morissero tutti, non per ciò tutti campavano: anzi, infermandone di ciascuna molti, et in ogni luogo, avendo essi stessi, quando sani erano, esemplo dato a coloro che sani rimanevano, quasi abbandonati per tutto languieno.

Some had a crueler view, though perhaps it was safer. They said that no medicine against pestilence was better, or even as good, as running away from it. Moved by this reasoning, and caring for no one but themselves, a great many men and women abandoned their city, their houses, their homes, their relatives, and their belongings. They went to other people’s places, or at least to their own countryside. It was as if God’s anger, roused to punish human wickedness with this pestilence, would not follow them wherever they were, but meant to strike only those inside the walls of their city. Or perhaps they thought that no one would be left in the city and that its last hour had come. Not all of these people, with their different opinions, died. But not all of them escaped, either. Many who held each opinion fell sick, in every place. When they were healthy they had set the example for those who stayed healthy, and now they lay wasting away, abandoned almost everywhere.

The Great Mortality in Paris, 1348–1349

Jean de Venette (attributed), Continuation of the Chronicle of William of Nangis, edited by Hercule Géraud (1843) · about 1360 (events of 1348–1349)

9

Multi etiam mali christiani fuerunt reperti, ut dicitur, qui similiter venena per puteos imponebant; sed revera tales intoxicationes, posito quod factae fuissent, non potuissent tantam plagam et tantum populum infecisse. Alia igitur fuit causa, ut puta, Dei voluntas, ut humores corrupti et aeris malitia seu terrarum; et forte tales potiones, si factae fuerunt in aliquibus locis, ad hoc potuerunt adjuvare. Duravit autem dicta mortalitas in istis partibus gallicanis per magnam partem anni xlviii et xlix; et tunc cessavit, multis villis campestribus et domibus in bonis villis quasi vacuis remanentibus et orbatis. Et tunc ceciderunt domus multae satis cito, et tales et ita solemnes; et plures ceciderunt Parisius, de quarum ruina minus quam de multis aliis apparebat.

Many bad Christians were also found, people say, who put poisons in wells in the same way. But in truth such poisonings, even if they were done, could not have caused so great a plague or infected so many people. So there was another cause, such as the will of God, or corrupted humors and the evil of the air or of the earth. Perhaps such potions, where they were made, may have added to it. This mortality lasted in these parts of France for a great part of the years [13]48 and [13]49. Then it stopped, leaving many country villages, and many houses in good towns, almost empty and bereft. Soon after, many houses fell down, even fine and grand ones. Many fell in Paris, though the ruin there showed less than in many other places.

11

Sed, proh dolor! ex hujus renovatione saeculi non est mundus propter hoc in melius commutatus. Nam homines fuerunt postea magis avari et tenaces, cum multo plura bona quam antea possiderent; magis etiam cupidi et per lites, brigas et rixas atque per placita seipsos conturbantes. Nec per hujusmodi terribilem mortis pestem a Deo inflictam fuit pax inter reges et dominos reformata; quinimo inimici regis Franciae ac etiam Ecclesiae, fortiores et pejores quam ante, per mare et per terram guerras suscitaverunt, et mala ampliora ubique pullularunt. Et quod iterum mirabile fuit, nam cum omnis abundantia omnium bonorum esset, cuncta tamen cariora in duplo fuerunt, tam de rebus utensilibus quam de victualibus, ac etiam de mercimoniis et mercenariis, et agricolis et servis; exceptis aliquibus haereditatibus et domibus quae superfluae remanserant his diebus. Charitas etiam ab illo tempore refrigescere coepit valde, et iniquitas abundavit cum ignorantia et peccatis; nam pauci inveniebantur qui scirent aut vellent in domibus, villis et castris informare pueros in grammaticalibus rudimentis.

But alas! The world was not changed for the better by this renewal of the age. Afterward people were more greedy and grasping, though they owned far more goods than before. They were also more covetous, and they troubled themselves with lawsuits, brawls, quarrels, and pleas in court. Nor did this terrible plague of death, sent by God, bring peace among kings and lords. Instead the enemies of the king of France and of the Church, stronger and worse than before, stirred up wars by sea and by land, and greater evils sprang up everywhere. And here is another wonder. Though there was plenty of every good thing, everything cost twice as much. This was true of tools and household goods and of food, and also of merchandise, hired workers, farmhands, and servants. The exceptions were some inheritances and houses, which were left over in plenty in those days. From that time on, charity also began to grow very cold, and wickedness abounded, with ignorance and sin. For few could be found in houses, towns, and castles who knew how, or were willing, to teach children the basics of grammar.

The Mexica Embassy and the Smallpox in Michoacán

Purépecha elders and a Franciscan friar, Relación de Michoacán (about 1539–1541), on the Mexica embassy of 1520 and the death of the cazonci Zuangua · compiled about 1539–1541 (events of 1520)

6

Que aprovecha los cantares solos, cómo los dioses los han de favorecer con solos los cantares? Pues aquí trabajemos, mas como no suelen mudar de propósito los dioses? Esforcémonos un poco mas en traer leña para los ques, quizá nos perdonarán como se han ensañado los dioses del cielo. Como habían de venir sin propósito. Algún dios los invió, y por eso vienen. Pues conosca la gente sus pecados, represéntenseles á la memoria, aunque me echen á mí la culpa de los pecados, á mí que soy el rey.

What good are songs alone? How will the gods favor them for songs alone? So let us work here. But do the gods not usually keep to their purpose? Let us try a little harder to bring wood for the temples. Perhaps the gods of the sky will pardon us, angry as they are. How could the strangers come without a purpose? Some god sent them, and that is why they come. So let the people recognize their sins and call them to mind, even if they blame the sins on me, on me who am the king.

The Sickness That Followed the English

Thomas Harriot, A Brief and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia (London, 1588; Frankfurt, 1590), on the colony's year at Roanoke, 1585–1586 · events of 1585–1586; first printed London, dated February 1588 (February 1589 in our calendar); reprinted Frankfurt 1590

3

Insomuch that when some of the inhabitants which were our friends & especially the Wiroans Wingina had obserued such effects in foure or fiue towns to follow their wicked practises, they were perswaded that it was the worke of our God through our meanes, and that wee by him might kil and slai whom wee would without weapons and not come neere them.

Some of the inhabitants were our friends. When they, and especially the Wiroans Wingina, had seen such effects follow their wicked plots in four or five towns, they were convinced that it was the work of our God through us. They believed that through him we could kill and slay whomever we wished without weapons, and without coming near them.

A Winter of Famine by Lake Superior

Pierre-Esprit Radisson, account of his voyage to Lake Superior, written in English about 1668–1669, on the winter of 1659–1660 · events of the winter of 1659–1660; written about 1668–1669

5

How shall we have strength to make a hole in the snow to lay us downe, seeing we have it not to hale our racketts after us, nor to cutt a litle woad to make a fire to keepe us from the rigour of the cold, which is extreame in those Countreyes in its season. Oh! if the musick that we heare could give us recreation, we wanted not any lamentable musick nor sad spectacle. In the morning the husband looks uppon his wife, the Brother his sister, the cozen the cozen, the Oncle the nevew, that weare for the most part found deade. They languish with cryes & hideous noise that it was able to make the haire starre on the heads that have any apprehension. Good God, have mercy on so many poore innocent people, and of us that acknowledge thee, that having offended thee punishes us.

How could we have the strength to make a hole in the snow to lie down in? We did not have the strength to drag our snowshoes after us, or to cut a little wood to make a fire to keep us from the bitter cold, which is extreme in those countries in its season. Oh! If the music we heard could have given us comfort, we did not lack mournful music, or sad sights. In the morning the husband looked at his wife, the brother at his sister, the cousin at the cousin, the uncle at the nephew, and for the most part they were found dead. They wasted away with cries and hideous noise, enough to make the hair stand on end on anyone with feeling. Good God, have mercy on so many poor innocent people, and on us who acknowledge you, who have offended you and whom you punish.

6.3

Finaly we became the very Image of death. We mistook ourselves very often, taking the living for the dead and the dead for the living. We wanted strength to draw the living out of the cabans, or if we did when we could, it was to putt them four paces in the snow. Att the end the wrath of God begins to appease itselfe, and pityes his poore creatures. If I should expresse all that befell us in that strange accidents, a great volume would not containe it. Here are above 500 dead, men, women, and children. It 's time to come out of such miseryes. Our bodyes are not able to hold out any further.

Finally we became the very image of death. We very often made mistakes, taking the living for the dead and the dead for the living. We lacked the strength to drag the dead out of the lodges, or if we did when we could, it was only to put them four paces away in the snow. At the end the wrath of God began to ease, and he took pity on his poor creatures. If I were to tell all that happened to us in that strange disaster, a great volume would not hold it. More than 500 died here, men, women, and children. It was time to come out of such miseries. Our bodies could not hold out any longer.