Fear and flight

δεινότατον δὲ παντὸς ἦν τοῦ κακοῦ ἥ τε ἀθυμία ὁπότε τις αἴσθοιτο κάμνων (πρὸς γὰρ τὸ ἀνέλπιστον εὐθὺς τραπόμενοι τῇ γνώμῃ πολλῷ μᾶλλον προΐεντο σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ οὐκ ἀντεῖχον), καὶ ὅτι ἕτερος ἀφ’ ἑτέρου θεραπείας ἀναπιμπλάμενοι ὥσπερ τὰ πρόβατα ἔθνῃσκον· καὶ τὸν πλεῖστον φθόρον τοῦτο ἐνεποίει.

The most terrible part of the whole disaster was the despair. As soon as people felt themselves falling sick, they lost all hope, gave themselves up far more easily, and stopped fighting. Just as terrible, they caught the disease from one another as they nursed each other, and they died like sheep. This caused more deaths than anything else.

εἴτε γὰρ μὴ ᾽θέλοιεν δεδιότες ἀλλήλοις προσιέναι, ἀπώλλυντο ἐρῆμοι, καὶ οἰκίαι πολλαὶ ἐκενώθησαν ἀπορίᾳ τοῦ θεραπεύσοντος· εἴτε προσίοιεν, διεφθείροντο, καὶ μάλιστα οἱ ἀρετῆς τι μεταποιούμενοι· αἰσχύνῃ γὰρ ἠφείδουν σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐσιόντες παρὰ τοὺς φίλους, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰς ὀλοφύρσεις τῶν ἀπογιγνομένων τελευτῶντες καὶ οἱ οἰκεῖοι ἐξέκαμνον ὑπὸ τοῦ πολλοῦ κακοῦ νικώμενοι.

If people were afraid to visit one another, they died alone, and many households were wiped out because no one was left to care for them. If they did visit, they died, especially those who took pride in doing the right thing. Ashamed to hold back, they went in to their friends without sparing themselves. They did so because in the end even the families of the dying, overwhelmed by the sheer size of the disaster, were too worn out even to mourn them.

ὅσον δὲ χρόνον οἵ τε Πελοποννήσιοι ἦσαν ἐν τῇ γῇ τῇ Ἀθηναίων καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐστράτευον ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν, ἡ νόσος ἔν τε τῇ στρατιᾷ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἔφθειρε καὶ ἐν τῇ πόλει, ὥστε καὶ ἐλέχθη τοὺς Πελοποννησίους δείσαντας τὸ νόσημα, ὡς ἐπυνθάνοντο τῶν αὐτομόλων ὅτι ἐν τῇ πόλει εἴη καὶ θάπτοντας ἅμα ᾐσθάνοντο, θᾶσσον ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἐξελθεῖν.

The whole time the Peloponnesians were in Athenian territory, and the Athenians were away with their fleet, the sickness kept killing Athenians, both in the army and in the city. It was even said that the Peloponnesians left the country sooner because they feared the disease: deserters told them it was in the city, and they could see the Athenians burying their dead.

πάντα δʼ ἦν μεστὰ ἀθυμίας, οἰμωγῆς, στόνου, δυσκολίας ἁπάσης, ἦσαν δὲ κἀν τῇ πόλει νόσοι δειναί.

The whole place was full of despair, wailing, groaning, and every kind of misery. In the city, too, there were terrible sicknesses.

卒然遭邪風之氣嬰非常之疾患及禍至而方震慄降志屈節欽望巫祝告窮歸天束手受敗

Then, without warning, they meet the qi of harmful winds and fall ill with some grave and unusual disease. Only when trouble comes and disaster strikes do they start to tremble. Swallowing their pride, they bow low and look up hopefully to shamans and priests. When they have nothing left to try, they leave it all to Heaven, fold their hands, and accept defeat.

pauore mortalitatis et temporis accenduntur trepidi, constringuntur remissi, excitantur ignaui, desertores conpelluntur ut redeant, gentiles coguntur ut credant, uetus fidelium populus ad quietem uocatur, ad aciem recens et copiosus exercitus robore ‖307‖ fortiore colligitur pugnaturus sine metu mortis, cum proelium uenerit, qui ad militiam tempore mortalitatis accedit.

Fear of the mortality and of these times sets the timid on fire, braces the slack, and wakes the lazy. Deserters are compelled to return; pagans are driven to believe. The faithful of long standing are called to their rest, while a fresh and plentiful army gathers for the battle line, stronger than before. Those who enlist during the mortality will go into battle unafraid of death when the fight comes.

ut nihil aliud mortalitas ista contulerit, hoc christianis et Dei seruis plurimum praestitit quod martyrium coepimus libenter adpetere, dum mortem discimus non timere.

Even if this mortality had done nothing else, it has done Christians and servants of God this great service: we have begun to seek martyrdom gladly, while we are learning not to fear death.

adque ille non sine quadam animi et uocis indignatione infremuit et dixit: ‘pati timetis, exire non uultis, quid faciam uobis?’

With some anger in his heart and his voice, the young man growled: "You are afraid to suffer. You do not want to leave. What am I to do with you?"

ὕστερον δὲ οὐδὲ τοῖς φίλοις καλοῦσιν ἐπακούειν ἠξίουν, ἀλλὰ καθείρξαντες αὑτοὺς ἐν τοῖς δωματίοις, ὅτι δὴ οὐκ ἐπαΐοιεν προσεποιοῦντο, καίπερ ἀρασσομένων αὐτοῖς τῶν θυρῶν, δειμαίνοντες δηλονότι μὴ δαιμόνων τις ὁ καλῶν εἴη.

Later, they would not even answer when their friends called. They locked themselves in their rooms and pretended not to hear, even while their doors were being pounded, plainly afraid that whoever was calling might be one of the demons.

Et in tantum unus alium habebat exosum, quod si filius de morbo predicto infirmabatur, pater sibi adherere penitus recusabat; & si ad eum ausus esset appropinquare, adeo infectus erat morbo predicto, quod mortem nullatenus evadere poterat, quin per triduum suum spiritum non exalaret. Et non tantum solus ipse de domo moriebatur, sed omnes familiares in eadem domo astantes, catuli, & animalia in dicta domo existentia patrem familias mortui sequebantur.

People came to loathe one another so much that if a son fell sick with the disease, his father would not stay with him. If the father dared to go near him, he caught the disease himself and could not escape death. Within three days he breathed his last. And he did not die alone. Everyone in his household who stood by him, even the dogs and the animals in the house, followed the head of the family in death.

Quapropter Messanenses hunc casum terribilem & monstruosum intuentes, migrare de civitate quam mori potius elegerunt; & non solum in urbem veniendi, sed etiam appropinquandi ad eam negabatur. In aeris & in vineis extra civitatem cum eorum familiis statuerunt mansiones. Aliqui vero & pro majori parte in civitatem Catanie perrexerunt, confisique quod beata Cataniensis Agatha virgo eosdem tali infirmitate liberaret.

Seeing this terrible and monstrous thing, the people of Messina chose to leave the city rather than die. No one was allowed into the city, or even near it. They set up homes with their families on the threshing floors and in the vineyards outside the walls. But most went on to the city of Catania. They trusted that the blessed virgin Agatha of Catania would free them from the sickness.

Sed pro majori parte cives Messanam deserunt, alii in Calabriam, alii per diversas partes Sicilie, & specialiter in civitatem Catanie sunt dispersi. Sed quid profuit eis lapsus fuge, quia egritudo jam concepta & fixa eorum corpora comeabat? Qui fugientes, aliqui defecerunt in via, in campis, in maritimis, in mari, in casali Mascalarum, in silvis, in vallis, & diversis locis incongruis.

Most of the citizens deserted Messina. Some scattered into Calabria, others to different parts of Sicily, above all to the city of Catania. But what good was running away? The sickness had already taken hold and was eating at their bodies. Some fell dead as they fled, on the road, in the fields, on the shore, at sea, in the village of Mascali, in the woods and valleys, and in all sorts of wretched places.

El Padre a pena stava a vedere il figliuolo; l'uno fratello l'altro fuggiva; la Moglie il Marito abbandonava, perciochè si diceva, che s'appiccava questa malattia nel mirare, e nell'alito; e così fu vero, che morì tante genti del mese di Maggio, di Giugno, e di Luglio, e d'Agosto, che non si trovava chi li volesse sopellire per denari. Parentado, nè Amistà, nè Prete, nè Frate andava con essi, nè Offizio si diceva.

A father would hardly stay to look at his son. Brother fled from brother. Wives abandoned their husbands, because people said this sickness was caught by looking at the sick and by their breath. And it was true. So many people died in May, June, July, and August that no one could be found to bury them, even for money. No relative, no friend, no priest or friar went with the dead, and no funeral office was said.

Haec meditans, fateor, trepido, mortisque propinquae
Auguror insidias; ubi nam caput abdere possim,
Nec mare, nec tellus, nec opacis saxa cavernis
Ostendunt profugo; quoniam mors omnia vincit,
Inque parum tutas venit impetuosa latebras.

As I think about these things, I admit, I tremble. I sense death lying in wait for me, close by. Where can I hide my head? Neither sea nor land nor rocks with shady caves offer a refuge to someone running away. Death conquers everything, and it bursts into hiding places that are never safe enough.

E la successione di questa pestilenzia durava nel paese ove s’apprendeva cinque mesi continovi, ovvero cinque lunari: e questo avemmo per isperienza certa di molti paesi. Avvenne, perché parea che questa pestifera infezione s’appiccasse per la veduta e per lo toccamento che come l’uomo, o la femmina o i fanciulli si conoscevano malati di quella enfiatura, molti n’abbandonavano, e innumerabile quantità ne morirono, che sarebbono campati se fossono stati aiutati delle cose bisognevoli. Tra gl’infedeli cominciò questa inumanità crudele, che le madri e’ padri abbandonavano i figliuoli, e i figliuoli le madri e’ padri, e l’uno fratello l’altro e gli altri congiunti, cosa crudele e maravigliosa, e molto strana dalla umana natura, detestata tra i fedeli cristiani, nei quali, seguendo le nazioni barbare, questa crudeltà si trovò.

In each country it reached, this pestilence lasted five months in a row, or five lunar months. We know this for certain from the experience of many countries. People thought this deadly infection was caught by sight and by touch. So when a man, a woman, or children found they had the swelling, many people abandoned them. Countless numbers died who would have lived if they had been helped with what they needed. This cruel inhumanity began among the unbelievers. Mothers and fathers abandoned their children, and children their mothers and fathers, and brother abandoned brother and other kin. It was a cruel and astonishing thing, utterly against human nature and hateful among faithful Christians. Yet this cruelty was found among them too, following the example of the barbarous nations.

Dalle quali cose, e da assai altre a queste simiglianti o maggiori, nacquero diverse paure et immaginazioni in quegli che rimanevano vivi, e tutti quasi ad un fine tiravano assai crudele, ciò era di schifare e di fuggire gl'infermi e le lor cose; e così faccendo, si credeva ciascuno a sé medesimo salute acquistare. Et erano alcuni, li quali avvisavano che il vivere moderatamente, et il guardarsi da ogni superfluità, avesse molto a così fatto accidente resistere: e, fatta lor brigata, da ogni altro separati viveano; et in quelle case ricogliendosi e rinchiudendosi dove niuno infermo fosse e da viver meglio, dilicatissimi cibi et ottimi vini temperatissimamente usando et ogni lussuria fuggendo, senza lasciarsi parlare ad alcuno, o volere di fuori, di morte o d'infermi, alcuna novella sentire, con suoni e con quelli piaceri che aver potevano si dimoravano.

These things, and many others like them or worse, gave rise to all kinds of fears and fancies among those still alive. Nearly all of them aimed at one quite cruel goal: to shun and flee the sick and their belongings. By doing this, each one believed, he could keep himself healthy. Some thought that living moderately and avoiding every excess would do much to resist such a disaster. They formed their own groups and lived apart from everyone else. They gathered and shut themselves up in houses where no one was sick and where they could live best. They ate the finest foods and drank the best wines, but in great moderation, and avoided all indulgence. They let no one talk to them and wanted no news from outside about death or the sick. They passed the time with music and whatever other pleasures they could have.

Alcuni erano di più crudel sentimento (come che per avventura più fosse sicuro), dicendo niun'altra medicina essere contro alle pestilenze migliore né così buona, come il fuggire loro davanti: e da questo argomento mossi, non curando d'alcuna cosa se non di sé, assai et uomini e donne abbandonarono la propia città, le propie case, i lor luoghi, et i lor parenti e le lor cose, e cercarono l'altrui o almeno il lor contado, quasi l'ira di Dio a punire la iniquità degli uomini con quella pestilenza, non dove fossero procedesse, ma solamente a coloro opprimere li quali dentro alle mura della lor città si trovassero, commossa intendesse; o quasi avvisando niuna persona in quella dover rimanere, e la sua ultima ora esser venuta. E come che questi così variamente opinanti non morissero tutti, non per ciò tutti campavano: anzi, infermandone di ciascuna molti, et in ogni luogo, avendo essi stessi, quando sani erano, esemplo dato a coloro che sani rimanevano, quasi abbandonati per tutto languieno.

Some had a crueler view, though perhaps it was safer. They said that no medicine against pestilence was better, or even as good, as running away from it. Moved by this reasoning, and caring for no one but themselves, a great many men and women abandoned their city, their houses, their homes, their relatives, and their belongings. They went to other people’s places, or at least to their own countryside. It was as if God’s anger, roused to punish human wickedness with this pestilence, would not follow them wherever they were, but meant to strike only those inside the walls of their city. Or perhaps they thought that no one would be left in the city and that its last hour had come. Not all of these people, with their different opinions, died. But not all of them escaped, either. Many who held each opinion fell sick, in every place. When they were healthy they had set the example for those who stayed healthy, and now they lay wasting away, abandoned almost everywhere.

E lasciamo stare che l'uno cittadino l'altro schifasse, e quasi niuno vicino avesse dell'altro cura, et i parenti insieme rade volte, o non mai, si visitassero, e di lontano, era con sì fatto spavento questa tribulazione entrata ne' petti degli uomini e delle donne, che l'un fratello l'altro abbandonava, et il zio il nipote, e la sorella il fratello, e spesse volte la donna il suo marito; e (che maggior cosa è e quasi non credibile) li padri e le madri i figliuoli, quasi loro non fossero, di visitare e di servire schifavano.

Never mind that citizens avoided one another, that almost no neighbor cared for another, and that relatives rarely or never visited one another, and then only from a distance. This disaster had struck such terror into the hearts of men and women that brother abandoned brother, uncle abandoned nephew, sister abandoned brother, and often a wife abandoned her husband. What is worse, and almost beyond belief, fathers and mothers refused to visit and care for their own children, as if the children were not theirs.

Tanta autem abundantia populi tunc, videlicet anno Domini mcccxlviii et mcccxlix decessit, quod nunquam auditum, neque visum, neque lectum fuit in temporibus retroactis. Et veniebat mors praedicta et infirmitas ex imaginatione vel societate ad invicem et contagione; nam qui sanus aliquem visitabat infirmum, vix aut raro mortis periculum evadebat. Unde in multis villis parvis et magnis sacerdotes timidi recedebant, religiosis aliquibus magis audacibus administrationem dimittentes, et breviter in multis locis de viginti hominibus non remanserant duo viventes.

So many people died then, in the years of our Lord 1348 and 1349, that nothing like it had ever been heard of, seen, or read about in times past. This death and sickness came from imagination, or from people keeping company with one another, and from contagion. Anyone healthy who visited a sick person hardly ever escaped the danger of death. So in many towns, small and large, the priests withdrew in fear. They left the care of souls to some members of religious orders who were bolder. In short, in many places not two out of twenty people were left alive.

Thus far have I delivered the history of the yellow fever as it affected the human body with sickness and death. I shall now mention a few of those circumstances of public and private distress which attended it. I have before remarked, that the first reports of the existence of this fever were treated with neglect or contempt. A strange apathy pervaded all classes of people. While I bore my share of reproach for "terrifying our citizens with imaginary danger," I answered it by lamenting "that they were not terrified enough." The publication from the college of physicians soon dissipated this indifference and incredulity. Fear or terror now sat upon every countenance. The disease appeared in many parts of the town, remote from the spot where it originated; although in every instance it was easily traced to it. This set the city in motion. The streets and roads leading from the city were crouded with families flying in every direction for safety to the country. Business began to languish. Water-street between Market and Race-streets became a desart.

Thus far have I delivered the history of the yellow fever as it affected the human body with sickness and death. I shall now mention a few of those circumstances of public and private distress which attended it. I have before remarked that the first reports of the existence of this fever were treated with neglect or contempt. A strange apathy pervaded all classes of people. While I bore my share of reproach for “terrifying our citizens with imaginary danger,” I answered it by lamenting “that they were not terrified enough.” The publication from the College of Physicians soon dissipated this indifference and incredulity. Fear or terror now sat upon every countenance. The disease appeared in many parts of the town, remote from the spot where it originated, although in every instance it was easily traced to it. This set the city in motion. The streets and roads leading from the city were crowded with families flying in every direction for safety to the country. Business began to languish. Water Street between Market and Race Streets became a desert.

The removals from Philadelphia began about the 25th or 26th of this month; and so much terrified were the public, that for some weeks, almost every hour in the day, carts, waggons, coachees, and chairs, were to be seen transporting families and furniture to the country in every direction. Many people shut up their houses wholly; others left servants to take care of them. Business then became extremely dull. Mechanics and artists were unemployed; and the streets wore the appearance of gloom and melancholy.

The removals from Philadelphia began about the 25th or 26th of this month [August], and so much terrified were the public that for some weeks, almost every hour in the day, carts, wagons, coachees, and chairs were to be seen transporting families and furniture to the country in every direction. Many people shut up their houses wholly; others left servants to take care of them. Business then became extremely dull. Mechanics and artists were unemployed, and the streets wore the appearance of gloom and melancholy.

The consternation of the people of Philadelphia at this period was carried beyond all bounds. Dismay and affright were visible in almost every person's countenance. Most people who could by any means make it convenient, fled from the city. Of those who remained, many shut themselves up in their houses, and were afraid to walk the streets. The smoke of tobacco being regarded as a preventative, many persons, even women and small boys, had segars constantly in their mouths. Others placing full confidence in garlic, chewed it almost the whole day; some kept it in their shoes. Many were afraid to allow the barbers or hair-dressers to come near them, as instances had occurred of some of them having shaved the dead — and many of them had engaged as bleeders. Some who carried their caution pretty far, bought lancets for themselves, not daring to be bled with the lancets of the bleeders. Some houses were hardly a moment in the day free from the smell of gunpowder, burned tobacco, nitre, sprinkled vinegar, &c. Many of the churches were almost deserted, and some wholly closed. The coffee house was shut up, as was the city library, and most of the public offices — three out of the four daily papers were dropped, as were some of the other papers.

The consternation of the people of Philadelphia at this period was carried beyond all bounds. Dismay and affright were visible in almost every person’s countenance. Most people who could by any means make it convenient fled from the city. Of those who remained, many shut themselves up in their houses, and were afraid to walk the streets. The smoke of tobacco being regarded as a preventative, many persons, even women and small boys, had cigars constantly in their mouths. Others, placing full confidence in garlic, chewed it almost the whole day; some kept it in their shoes. Many were afraid to allow the barbers or hairdressers to come near them, as instances had occurred of some of them having shaved the dead, and many of them had engaged as bleeders. Some who carried their caution pretty far bought lancets for themselves, not daring to be bled with the lancets of the bleeders. Some houses were hardly a moment in the day free from the smell of gunpowder, burned tobacco, niter, sprinkled vinegar, etc. Many of the churches were almost deserted, and some wholly closed. The coffeehouse was shut up, as was the city library, and most of the public offices. Three out of the four daily papers were dropped, as were some of the other papers.

We feel ourselves hurt most by a partial, censorious paragraph, in Mr. Carey's second edition, of his account of the sickness, &c. in Philadelphia; pages 76 and 77, where he asperses the blacks alone, for having taken the advantage of the distressed situation of the people. That some extravagant prices were paid, we admit; but how came they to be demanded? the reason is plain. It was with difficulty persons could be had to supply the wants of the sick, as nurses; — applications became more and more numerous, the consequence was, when we procured them at six dollars per week, and called upon them to go where they were wanted, we found they were gone elsewhere; here was a disappointment; upon enquiring the cause, we found, they had been allured away by others who offered greater wages, until they got from two to four dollars per day. We had no restraint upon the people. It was natural for people in low circumstances to accept a voluntary, bounteous reward; especially under the loathsomeness of many of the sick, when nature shuddered at the thoughts of the infection, and the task assigned was aggravated by lunacy, and being left much alone with them. Had Mr. Carey been solicited to such an undertaking, for hire, Query, "what would he have demanded? but Mr. Carey, although chosen a member of that band of worthies who have so eminently distinguished themselves by their labours, for the relief of the sick and helpless — yet, quickly after his election, left them to struggle with their arduous and hazardous task, by leaving the city. 'Tis true Mr. Carey was no hireling, and had a right to flee, and upon his return, to plead the cause of those who fled; yet, we think, he was wrong in giving so partial and injurious an account of the black nurses; if they have taken advantage of the public distress? Is it any more than he hath done of its desire for information. We believe he has made more money by the sale of his "scraps" than a dozen of the greatest extortioners among the black nurses. The great prices paid did not escape the observation of that worthy and vigilant magistrate, Mathew Clarkson, mayor of the city, and president of the committee — he sent for us, and requested we would, use our influence to lessen the wages of the nurses, but on informing him the cause, i. e. that of the people overbidding one another, it was concluded unnecessary to attempt any thing on that head; therefore it was left to the people concerned. That there were some few black people guilty of plundering the distressed, we acknowledge; but in that they only are pointed out, and made mention of, we esteem partial and injurious; we know as many whites who were guilty of it; but this is looked over, while the blacks are held up to censure.— Is it a greater crime for a black to pilfer, than, for a white to privateer?

We feel ourselves hurt most by a partial, censorious paragraph in Mr. Carey’s second edition of his account of the sickness, etc., in Philadelphia, pages 76 and 77, where he asperses the blacks alone for having taken the advantage of the distressed situation of the people. That some extravagant prices were paid, we admit; but how came they to be demanded? The reason is plain. It was with difficulty persons could be had to supply the wants of the sick as nurses. Applications became more and more numerous; the consequence was, when we procured them at six dollars per week, and called upon them to go where they were wanted, we found they were gone elsewhere. Here was a disappointment. Upon inquiring the cause, we found they had been allured away by others who offered greater wages, until they got from two to four dollars per day. We had no restraint upon the people. It was natural for people in low circumstances to accept a voluntary, bounteous reward, especially under the loathsomeness of many of the sick, when nature shuddered at the thoughts of the infection, and the task assigned was aggravated by lunacy, and being left much alone with them. Had Mr. Carey been solicited to such an undertaking for hire, query: what would he have demanded? But Mr. Carey, although chosen a member of that band of worthies who have so eminently distinguished themselves by their labors for the relief of the sick and helpless, yet, quickly after his election, left them to struggle with their arduous and hazardous task by leaving the city. ’Tis true Mr. Carey was no hireling, and had a right to flee, and upon his return to plead the cause of those who fled; yet we think he was wrong in giving so partial and injurious an account of the black nurses. If they have taken advantage of the public distress, is it any more than he hath done of its desire for information? We believe he has made more money by the sale of his “scraps” than a dozen of the greatest extortioners among the black nurses. The great prices paid did not escape the observation of that worthy and vigilant magistrate, Mathew Clarkson, mayor of the city and president of the committee. He sent for us, and requested we would use our influence to lessen the wages of the nurses; but on informing him the cause, that is, that of the people overbidding one another, it was concluded unnecessary to attempt anything on that head; therefore it was left to the people concerned. That there were some few black people guilty of plundering the distressed, we acknowledge; but in that they only are pointed out and made mention of, we esteem partial and injurious. We know as many whites who were guilty of it; but this is looked over, while the blacks are held up to censure. Is it a greater crime for a black to pilfer than for a white to privateer?

I had scarcely become settled in Philadelphia when in July, 1793, the yellow fever broke out, and, spreading rapidly in August, obliged all the citizens who could remove to seek safety in the country. My father took his family to Bristol on the Delaware, and in the last of August I followed him. Having engaged in commerce, and having a ship at the wharf loading for Liverpool, I was compelled to return to the city on the 8th of September, and spend the 9th there. My business took me down to the Swedes' church and up Front street to Walnut street wharf, where I had my counting-house. Everything looked gloomy, and forty-five deaths were reported for the 9th. In the afternoon, when I was about returning to the country, I passed by the lodgings of the Vicomte de Noailles, who had fled from the Revolutionists of France. He was standing at the door, and calling to me, asked me what I was doing in town. "Fly," said he, "as soon as you can, for pestilence is all around us." And yet it was nothing then to what it became three or four weeks later, when from the first to the twelfth of October one thousand persons died. On the twelfth a smart frost came and checked its ravages.

I had scarcely become settled in Philadelphia when, in July 1793, the yellow fever broke out, and, spreading rapidly in August, obliged all the citizens who could remove to seek safety in the country. My father took his family to Bristol on the Delaware, and in the last of August I followed him. Having engaged in commerce, and having a ship at the wharf loading for Liverpool, I was compelled to return to the city on the 8th of September, and spend the 9th there. My business took me down to the Swedes’ Church and up Front Street to Walnut Street wharf, where I had my countinghouse. Everything looked gloomy, and forty-five deaths were reported for the 9th. In the afternoon, when I was about returning to the country, I passed by the lodgings of the vicomte de Noailles, who had fled from the revolutionists of France. He was standing at the door, and calling to me, asked me what I was doing in town. “Fly,” said he, “as soon as you can, for pestilence is all around us.” And yet it was nothing then to what it became three or four weeks later, when from the first to the twelfth of October one thousand persons died. On the twelfth a smart frost came and checked its ravages.

The most terrible outbreak of cholera which ever occurred in this kingdom, is probably that which took place in Broad Street, Golden Square, and the adjoining streets, a few weeks ago. Within two hundred and fifty yards of the spot where Cambridge Street joins Broad Street, there were upwards of five hundred fatal attacks of cholera in ten days. The mortality in this limited area probably equals any that was ever caused in this country, even by the plague ; and it was much more sudden, as the greater number of cases terminated in a few hours. The mortality would undoubtedly have been much greater had it not been for the flight of the population. Persons in furnished lodgings left first, then other lodgers went away, leaving their furniture to be sent for when they could meet with a place to put it in. Many houses were closed altogether, owing to the death of the proprietors ; and, in a great number of instances, the tradesmen who remained had sent away their families : so that in less than six days from the commencement of the outbreak, the most afflicted streets were deserted by more than three-quarters of their inhabitants.

The most terrible outbreak of cholera which ever occurred in this kingdom is probably that which took place in Broad Street, Golden Square, and the adjoining streets, a few weeks ago. Within two hundred and fifty yards of the spot where Cambridge Street joins Broad Street, there were upwards of five hundred fatal attacks of cholera in ten days. The mortality in this limited area probably equals any that was ever caused in this country, even by the plague; and it was much more sudden, as the greater number of cases terminated in a few hours. The mortality would undoubtedly have been much greater had it not been for the flight of the population. Persons in furnished lodgings left first, then other lodgers went away, leaving their furniture to be sent for when they could meet with a place to put it in. Many houses were closed altogether, owing to the death of the proprietors. And, in a great number of instances, the tradesmen who remained had sent away their families, so that in less than six days from the commencement of the outbreak, the most afflicted streets were deserted by more than three-quarters of their inhabitants.

On the 6th of October the Municipal Commissioner issued a proclamation under section 434 of the Municipal Act making provision for the removal to hospital of all plague patients and the disinfection and evacuation of infected houses. The assistance of the police was to be employed where necessary. The populace evinced the greatest alarm and excitement at the suggestion for the compulsory removal of the sick to hospital, and the increase in the epidemic, coupled with the operations in progress, produced widespread alarm. People fled from the city in large numbers. On the 10th of October a number of mill-hands assembled outside the Arthur Road Hospital and threatened its demolition as well as violence to the employes. On the afternoon of the 29th October a gang of nearly one thousand armed mill-hands attacked the same hospital, and were dispersed by the police. The incident was a grave indication of the general feeling. The large Municipal conservancy staff became affected by the general feeling of unrest and it was feared that a strike might occur among them. Mr. Snow stated that such a strike would have had the most appalling results. “ Bombay would, in a few days, have become uninhabitable and left to reek in a mass of sewage, sweepings and pollution, with no one at hand to conduct the daily routine of sanitation, much less to adopt a single preventive measure against plague.”

On the 6th of October the Municipal Commissioner issued a proclamation under section 434 of the Municipal Act making provision for the removal to hospital of all plague patients and the disinfection and evacuation of infected houses. The assistance of the police was to be employed where necessary. The populace evinced the greatest alarm and excitement at the suggestion for the compulsory removal of the sick to hospital, and the increase in the epidemic, coupled with the operations in progress, produced widespread alarm. People fled from the city in large numbers. On the 10th of October a number of millhands assembled outside the Arthur Road Hospital and threatened its demolition as well as violence to the employees. On the afternoon of the 29th October a gang of nearly one thousand armed millhands attacked the same hospital, and were dispersed by the police. The incident was a grave indication of the general feeling. The large Municipal conservancy staff became affected by the general feeling of unrest and it was feared that a strike might occur among them. Mr. Snow stated that such a strike would have had the most appalling results. “Bombay would, in a few days, have become uninhabitable and left to reek in a mass of sewage, sweepings and pollution, with no one at hand to conduct the daily routine of sanitation, much less to adopt a single preventive measure against plague.”